{dedicated, by permission, to the king.) 



CONSTABLE'S MISCELLANY, 

VOLS. L. & LI. 



On the 26th December 1829, and 2d January 1830, 
will appear, 

HISTORY 



OP 



CHIVALRY AND THE CRUSADES. 



THE REV. HENRY STEBBING, M.A. 



IN TWO VOLUMES. 



EDINBURGH : 

CONSTABLE AND CO. 19, WATERLOO PLACE ; 
AND HURST, CHANCE, AND CO. LONDON. 



1 



ORIGINAL WORKS 

PREPARING FOR 

CONSTABLES MISCELLANY. 



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conten.poray English and Scottish Warriors. By JoHjf 
D. Carrick, E^q. 2 vols. 

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e@3rsmsi.ss 'anteauianr 



7) 



OF I ~ N 



— -^Tts. the various departments^ — 

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i*xpe c*r ^t.rkan cortes. ■ 




MONTEZUMA SHOWS CORTKS HIS IDOLS. 



EDEVBrRGHs 

PEITTTED FDIR €D^§ 'HABILE & CtfEBINBTOfMs 

ANTB> MT[J]RST,(DMAS'C]E & C9 TL.©ITB£W 

1829. 



4/4 * 3 



LIFE 



OF 



HERNAN CORTES 



BY 



DON TELESFORO DE TRUEBA Y COSIO, 



AUTHOR OF 



H GOMEZ ARIAS," « THE CASTILIANS," &c. 



EDINBURGH: 

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1829. 






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puinted by ballantyne and company, 

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TO THE READER. 



When I resolved to write the following 
history, I was sensible that prejudice might 
offer two objections against the undertaking. 
The circumstance of my being a Spaniard, 
rendered me liable to be considered partial 
towards the conquerors of Mexico, and my 
character as a Novelist, would naturally 
suggest the probability of my roving too 
freely over the field of imagination. 

Against these two objections, it has been 
my zealous endeavour to provide. When 
bestowing any great praise on Hernan Cortes 
and his companions, I have quoted the words 
of Dr Robertson ; and to remove the second 
objection, I have been careful to set down 
my authority for every event of the least 



6 TO THE READER. 

importance. The number and respectability 
of my references, will show my anxiety 
on this point. If, after this assertion, any 
redundancy of fancy is still found, this will 
certainly be in the form, but not in the sub- 
stance, of the work. I have been extremely 
scrupulous with regard to facts ; and for 
the rest, I humbly hope no one will blame 
me for not having written the extraordi- 
nary and romantic deeds of Hernan Cortes 
in the style and manner of a Bulletin or 
Gazette. 

Telesforo de Trueba y Cosio. 

London, Nov. 30, 1829. 



CONTENTS. 



"PAGE. 

Introduction, . . . , .11 

Chap. I. 
Birth, Education, and Youth of Hernan Cortes, 29 

Chap. II. 
Conquest of the Island of Cuba, . . 39 

Chap. III. 
Expedition for the Conquest of Xew Spain, . 50 

Chap. IV. 
The Expedition touches at the Island of Cozumel, 

and arrives at Tabasco, . . .61 

Chap. V. 
Interview with the Messengers of Montezurua, &c. 12 

Chap. VI. 
First Settlement of the Spaniards in Xew Spain, 85 

Chap. VII. 
Submission of the Natives of Chempoalla, . 97 

Chap. VIII. 
Cortes destroys his Fleet, and resumes his March, 108 

Chap. IX. 
Account of the War with the Tlascalans, . 119 

Chap. X. 
Conspiracy and Massacre of the Cholulans, . 133 

Chap. XI. 
Cortes continues his March, and enters Mexico, 147 

Chap. XII. 
Description of the Mexican Capital, &c. . 160 



11 CONTENTS. 

Chap. XIII. PAOK . 

The Spaniards seize Montezuma, • .168 

Chap. XIV. 
Execution of the Mexican General, and Humilia- 
tion of Montezuma, . . . .182 

Chap. XV. 
Account of the Expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez, 197 

Chap. XVI. 
Insurrection of the Mexicans, and its Effects, . 218 

Chap. XVII. 
Death of Montezuma, and Conflict in the Tem^.e, 231? 

Chap. XVIII. 
Retreat from Mexico, and Battle of Otompan, . 245 

Chap. XIX. 
Events previous to the Siege of Mexico, . 260 

Chap. XX. 
The Spaniards leave Tlascala, and Hostilities re- 
commence, ..... 268 

Chap. XXI. 
Conspiracy against Cortes, and last Arrangements 

for the Siege, .... 279 

Chap. XXII. 
Prosecution of the Siege. Defeat of the Spaniards, 289 

Chap. XXIII. 
Capture of Guatimozin and Reduction of Mexico, 300 

CHAr. XXIV. 
Proceedings after the Conquest of Mexico, . 312 

Chap. XXV. 
Expedition of Cortes to Honduras, and Voyage to 

Spain, ..... 324 

Chap. XXVI. 
Second Voyage of Cortes to Spain. His Death 

and Character, .... 335 



INTRODUCTION, 



The discovery and conquest of America form 
one of the most splendid episodes in the his- 
tory of the world. The importance of so gigan- 
tic an event, and the wild excitement which it 
awoke, naturally made the conquerors and first 
historians of those vast regions array their de- 
scriptions in the glittering dress of romance, 
rather than in the sober garb of strict veracity. 
Hence we find accounts of the civilisation of 
some districts in America, which it is difficult 
to reconcile with the rude state and barbarous 
deeds of the inhabitants. This anomaly is more 
particularly displayed in the country of Ana- 
huac, known afterwards by the name of New 
Spain. Some historians have given such pomp- 
ous narratives concerning the advancement of 
the natives of Anahuac, and more especially the 
Mexicans, in the career of civilized life, that 
they have altogether bestowed the honours of 



12 INTRODUCTION, 

polished nations on a people which was immea- 
surably far from deserving the distinction. The 
Mexicans, indeed, when compared with the 
other inhabitants of the New World, exhibited 
a decided and even striking superiority ; yet this 
advantage over the rest of the Indians could not 
entitle the possessors to that praise which their 
conquerors have bestowed on them, some in 
their love for the marvellous and romantic, and 
others, no doubt, to enhance the glory and diffi- 
culty of their own achievements. 

The history of the first inhabitants of Ana- 
huac is involved in that dense obscurity which 
baffles the most plausible reasonings, and over- 
turns the most ingenious theories. Tradition 
is a very imperfect source of information ; and 
the Mexican paintings, of which so much has 
been spoken, are neither sufficient in number, 
nor clear enough in their meaning, to lead to a 
philosophical elucidation of truth. Some writers? 
relying on the legends of the natives, and the 
discovery of prodigious bones and skulls in va- 
rious parts of the country, have established the 
supposition that New Spain was originally in- 
habited by giants. But abandoning this fanci- 
ful theory to the speculations of the curious, it 
may perhaps be asserted with some probability 
of truth, that the Toltecas, a wandering tribe 
of savages, were the first who formed themselves 



INTRODUCTION. 13 

into any thing resembling a regular state. The 
To3tecas established a kingdom about the year 
667. This monarchy lasted four centuries, when 
it was succeeded by the reign of the Chicheme- 
cas and other tribes, until part of the country 
was occupied by the Aztecas or Mexicans, who 5 
proceeding from the borders of the Gulf of Ca- 
lifornia, settled about the lake of Tezcuco, and 
founded the famous city of Mexico. 

The new occupants of the land introduced a 
more polished order of things, and they had made 
some progress in the pursuits of life at the time 
of the Spanish invasion. Yet the duration of 
the Mexican empire was very short, according 
to the accounts afforded by the natives. Little 
more than three centuries do they reckon from 
the first migration of their ancestors, and about 
half of that time since the establishment of their 
monarchy. This period was filled up by the 
government of nine sovereigns, of which the un- 
fortunate Montezuma was the last. As so short 
a space of time seems incompatible with the de- 
gree of civilisation ascribed to the Mexicans, a 
presumption may safely be admitted, that much 
exaggeration has been used in the descriptions 
of their manners, arts, and regulations, But 
however remote the natives of the land might 
be with reference to the civilisation of their 
conquerors, it is not less true that the Mexicans 



14 INTRODUCTION. 

were greatly superior to all the other inhabitants 
of the New World. The right of private proper- 
ty, so ill understood, and so grossly violated, 
among rude and savage tribes, was respected 
and defined in the Mexican Empire. From the 
right of possession arose that of barter and ex- 
change, and hence sprung various of the more 
simple operations of commerce. 

But another striking feature in the country 
was the great number of its cities, and the vast- 
ness and beauty for which they were conspicu- 
ous. Some progress in the arts of social life 
must be made before men can found and organ- 
ize such places as Cholula, Tacuba, and other 
great towns, are depicted to have been ; yet a 
considerable deduction must be made from the 
florid descriptions of the conquerors, who, ac- 
customed till then to meet with rude hordes of 
savages in America, were naturally struck and 
amazed when, on entering New Spain, they per- 
ceived so decided an improvement in civilisa- 
tion. They found men inhabiting large cities, 
subject to regular laws, and following pursuits 
indicative of social life. They, moreover, were 
pleasingly surprised at the riches of the coun- 
try, and the fertility of its soil ; and their own 
vivid imaginations heightening the effect produ- 
ced by external objects, it is perfectly natural 
that they should have conceived and represented 



INTRODUCTION. 15 

things in a light above that to which they were 
really entitled. But a rapid account of the re- 
ligion, government, and manners of the Mexi- 
cans, will more justly decide the degree of civi- 
lisation to which they may have had undoubted 
claims. 

In examining the religion of the Mexicans, 
we are struck with horror and amazement. No- 
thing can be conceived more barbarous and san- 
guinary than the ceremonies by which their 
gloomy superstition hoped to propitiate a blood- 
thirsty mythology. But the atrocity of human 
sacrifices, so prevalent in the Mexican empire, 
was doubly enhanced by the regular system in- 
to which religious rites were conducted. They 
had magnificent temples and other places con= 
secrated to the service of the deities. The 
number of priests was very great, and they en- 
joyed high distinction in the state, as well as 
extraordinary weight in its councils. Yet a 
considerable difference existed between them, 
both with respect to their rank, and the various 
offices to which they were dedicated. There 
were several orders among the ministers of 
religion, at the head of which were two high 
priests, — a dignity which, as it was the most 
honourable and important in the state, was only 
conferred on those whose birth, integrity, and 
knowledge; rendered them worthy of such a 
a 2 



16 INTRODUCTION. 

charge. The high priests were the first per- 
sonages in the empire ; the monarch invariably 
consulted them in all matters of moment, and 
no war was ever undertaken without their ap- 
probation. After the first two principal reli- 
gious dignitaries, the other priests enjoyed cer- 
tain degrees and gradations, strictly defined and 
understood. Some were sacrificers, others di- 
viners; some had the care of the sanctuaries 
committed to them, while others were to com- 
pose the hymns and pious songs, and order 
every thing relating to the festivals. 

Indeed, a considerable portion of their time 
was devoted by the Mexicans to the practice of 
religious ceremonies, and celebration of their 
festivals. Nor is this strange. Their mytho- 
logical rites were strictly connected with those 
occupations which were most congenial to their 
character. The Mexicans were naturally war- 
like and ferocious, and accordingly the first of 
their gods was the god of war, called Huitzilo- 
poclitli. To this divinity they paid special wor- 
ship ; and nothing could exceed the disgusting 
atrocity of the sacrifices continually made to 
this terrific idol. The most rigid and frightful 
courses of penance were undergone by the fana- 
tic Mexicans, in order to propitiate this cruel 
deity ; severe fasts and corporeal macerations, 
and every torment which superstition can sug- 



INTRODUCTION. 17 

gest, were cheerfully undertaken in honour of 
HuitzilopochtlL Yet, lamentable as this igno- 
rance might be, it was lenient in its effects when 
compared to the inhuman butcheries that daily- 
stained the altars and the temples. The precise 
number of victims that were annually sacrifi- 
ced cannot be ascertained, but, according to the 
most moderate computation, they amounted to 
noless than twenty thousand. The manner in 
which the sacrifices were conducted was, if pos- 
sible, more atrocious than their extent. The 
mode of inflicting death varied according to the 
occasion of the festival, or the quality of the 
victim. In some cases the sufferers were drown- 
ed ; in others, they were left to perish with 
hunger, shut up in dismal caverns on the moun- 
tains. The gladiatorial sacrifice, which was con- 
sidered the most honourable, and in which the 
victim had a chance of escape by vanquishing 
his antagonist, was in many instances resorted 
to ; but the most ordinary manner of perform- 
ing the cruel ceremony was by opening the 
breast of the victim. 

For the performance of this horrid function 
six priests were appointed, the principal of 
which, the Tqpilizin, clothed himself in a red 
habit, fringed with cotton, and wearing a crown 
of green and yellow feathers on his head. The 
other five attendant priests were dressed in 



18 INTRODUCTION. 

white embroidered with black. These mini- 
sters dragged the victim, in a state of complete 
nudity, to the upper area of the temple, and 
extended him on the altar ; four priests held the 
legs and arms, whilst the fifth kept the head- 
tight with a wooden instrument resembling a 
serpent. The Topiltzin then came forward,, 
and. with a knife made of flint, laid the breast 
open, and tearing out the heart, offered it. 
whilst yet palpitating, to the god. and then threw 
it at his feet. THien the idol was of gigantic 
dimensions, it was customary to introduce the 
bleeding heart into its mouth with a large gold- 
en spoon. In most eases, also, the lips of the 
idol and cornices of the entrance of the sanctuary, 
were anointed Vith the blood of the victim ; and 
when he happened to be a prisoner of war. as 
soon as the sacrifice was consummated, the head 
was severed/ to preserve the skull, and the rest 
of the body cast down to the lower area of the 
temple, where it was claimed by the warrior to 
whom it belonged by right of capture ; and who 
then carried off his prize to be boiled and dress- 
ed; in order to entertain his family and friends. 
The Otomies used to cut the bodies in pieces, 
and sold them in the market, 

It would be unseasonable here to detail the 
various other modes of performing sacrifice- j 
enough has been said to demonstrate, that a 



INTRODUCTION. 19 

mythology so barbarous and abominable could 
not but be accompanied with every outward 
form of terror and gloom. Most of the Mexi- 
can deities were of a malignant nature, and 
only to be propitiated by blood. Hence we 
find them represented under forms and emblems 
the most fearful and repugnant. Gigantic mon- 
sters, and images in which ingenuity had ex- 
hausted its stores of horror, were the objects to 
which the Mexicans addressed their adoration, 
whilst their temples were always decorated with 
the figures of serpents, tigers, and other de- 
structive animals. The gods being cruel and 
vindictive, the genius of the Mexican religion 
was necessarily dark and horrible. Fear be- 
came the principle of action; and by calling the 
most ungenerous feelings of human nature into 
play,, sympathy was destroyed, and all the nicer 
touches of social life entirely annihilated. Thus 
by a strange anomaly, we find that the Mexi- 
cans, the people of the New World who had 
made the greatest progress in civilisation, were, 
in many cases, the most ferocious of the Indi- 
ans, whilst their cruelty? in many of their cere- 
monies and manners, surpassed even that of 
the rude savage. 

In the science of government, the Mexicans 
had made some progress at the time of their 
conquest by the Spaniards. However rude and 



20 INTRODUCTION. 

imperfect they might be in this respect in more 
remote periods, it is no less certain, that when 
Cortes subjected those vast territories to the 
Spanish crown, he found such rules and regula- 
tions in them as to excite his surprise and ad- 
miration. After making due allowances for the 
florid descriptions of the early historians, we 
shall still find much to approve in their system 
of administration. They had a regular police, 
established in so skilful a manner, as to have 
betokened an order of things superior to the 
then state of the Mexican empire. The insti- 
tution of couriers, who transmitted intelligence 
with astonishing rapidity, and the number of civil 
offices appointed to inspect the public market, 
to collect the taxes, and to preserve order and 
justice among the buyers and sellers, afford de- 
cided evidence of great improvement from sa- 
vage life. A sense of equity was evident in the 
manner of collecting taxes. These were laid on 
landed property, on the productions of industry, 
and on the various articles exposed to sale. But 
the exacting of these duties was not arbitrary : 
there were certain rules to be observed, and the 
quota assessed on each proprietor, merchant, or 
otherwise, was in strict proportion to the extent 
of his possessions, or the value of his acquisi- 
tions. Each one knew how much he had to con- 
tribute to the public revenue? and might resist 



INTRODUCTION. 2] 

any undue extortion. As the Mexicans were 
not acquainted with the use of money, the taxes 
were paid in land, and by this means the large 
public magazines or storehouses were filled, not 
only with the natural produce of all the pro- 
vinces, but with every specimen in works of art 
and industry. From these magazines the Em- 
peror supplied his numerous attendants in peace, 
and his armies in war, with the various neces- 
saries of life, as well as the requisite arms and 
accoutrements. 

The government of the Mexicans was a mo- 
narchy, but the degree of power and authority 
of their kings had been different in the various 
stages of their existence. In the infancy of their 
nation, great limits were put to the royal autho- 
rity, and the power which the sovereign exer- 
cised at that period resembled more a patriarch- 
al government, than a despotic rule. But with 
the increase of territory, the accumulation of 
riches, and the advancement in the refinements 
of life, the power of the kings was also aug- 
mented. Their pride induced them gradually 
to trespass the limits assigned to their authori- 
ty, until, during the reign of Montezuma, and at 
the time of the Spanish invasion, the sovereign 
was absolute and despotic. The conquests and 
abilities of the last Mexican monarch, at the 
same time that they extended the dominions of 



22 INTRODUCTION. 

the empire, gave a mortal Wow to the independ- 
ence of those various sovereign princes who had 
their territories contiguous to his own. Such were 
the kings or lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, and 
Tacuba, who, though exercisingunlimited power 
over their own subjects, had nevertheless in the 
end been rendered feudatory to Montezuma, 
The crown of the Mexican empire was elective : 
to effect a competent choice, four lords of the 
highest rank, courage, and merit, were appoint- 
ed in the beginning of the monarchy to this 
important function ; but the electors themselves 
were removed, and others chosen to fill their 
places at every new election. In the election 
of a king, no attention whatever was paid to 
primogeniture ; and this was exemplified at the 
death of Montezuma the First, when Axajacatl, 
his third son ? was preferred to the elder bro- 
thers. 

Several conditions were to be fulfilled, and 
many ceremonies performed, at each new coro- 
nation of a king. But the most characteristic, 
perhaps, was the obligation under which the 
new-elected sovereign lay, of going to war, that 
he might procure the victims to be sacrificed on 
so important an occasion. The Mexican court 
was formed upon a scale so systematic and mag- 
nificent, as to argue much civilisation in this 
respect, however deficient that nation might ap- 



INTRODUCTION. 23 

pear in others. The officers of the household 
were numerous, and trained to all the etiquette of 
ceremonial. No less than three supreme coun- 
cils, composed of persons of the highest rank, 
were appointed to discuss every point of mo- 
ment — such as the conduct of war, the collecting 
of the revenue, and other affairs connected with 
the safety or prosperity of the state. Indeed, 
in the following history of the conquest of the 
Mexican empire, we shall find Montezuma fre- 
quently appealing for advice to his councils, on 
account of the dilemma under which he was pla- 
ced hy the Spanish invasion. There were seve- 
ral ministers or principal officers of the court,, 
whose peculiar department was to administer 
the public revenue, when it had been collected 
by the subordinate functionaries : amongst these 
the HiieicalpriquifOr treasurer-general, was held 
in special consideration ; nor was less honour 
paid do those ministers who had under their 
care the animals, gems, gold, and other treasures 
of the crown. 

The office of ambassador was esteemed by 
the Mexicans one of particular importance, and 
to fill so elevated a station, the principal person- 
ages in the empire, both with regard to birth, 
prudence, and merit, were consequently chosen. 
To invest the character with more respect, much 
pomp and ceremony was attached to it : but 

B 



24 INTRODUCTION. 

though they were received with profound re- 
spect at every place where they touched, they 
were compelled not to deviate a step from the 
road traced out for their march. 

The division of ranks is another argument in 
favour of Mexican refinement. In savage life, 
physical advantages alone decide the merit or 
fortune of man ; but in proportion as society 
attains a more artificial form, other and more 
noble qualifications are fostered and venerated. 
Mental improvement and advancement in the 
arts of civilized life are invariably attended with 
a struggle for distinction, which are unknown 
in the infancy of rude tribes. In the Mexican 
empire the distinction of ranks was strictly de- 
fined ; the nobility were divided into different 
classes, though the Spaniards have mixed them 
together under the general appellation of Ca- 
ziques. The higher ranks of nobility was that 
of Tenctli, and to obtain this honourable dis- 
tinction, the candidate was obliged not only 
to prove illustrious birth, but to give proofs of 
great merit, and undergo a course of severe pe- 
nance for a year, in order to exemplify the vir- 
tues of patience and fortitude. But the titles of 
nobility were m general hereditary. Even at the 
time of the conquest of Mexico, many families 
existed in the empire who claimed direct de- 
scent from the Aztecas, and carried themselves 
with great pride and splendour. 



INTRODUCTION. 25 

The division of lands was curious, and not 
without ingenuity. They were divided amongst 
the crown and the altar, the nobility and the 
communities ; and in order to preserve the pro- 
perty of each class free from litigation, certain 
paintings were kept in the temples. In these 
maps, the lands of the crown were painted in 
purple, those of the nobles displayed a scarlet, 
and those of the communities a yellow colour. 
After the conquest, these charts served frequent- 
ly as a just reference to the Spanish magistrate 
to decide litigious contention among the Indians. 
Priority of birth was observed in the inheritance 
of states ; but in case of imbecility, or any other 
disqualifying cause, the father was at liberty to 
transfer the property to any of his other child- 
ren, with the restriction, however, of making a 
suitable provision for the rest. 

Great simplicity was observable in the Mexi- 
can code of laws ; but these were severe in the 
extreme. Indeed, death was in most cases the 
punishment awarded to guilt, even for offences 
which, to us, would appear far from deserving 
it : for example, the practice of hanging a man or 
woman for dressing themselves in each other's 
attire. A traitor to the king was torn in pieces, 
and those who maltreated an ambassador, or any 
other public officer of note, forfeited also their 
lives. Sedition, bribery, and corruption, were 



26 INTRODUCTION. 

subject to capital punishment, as was also a breach 
of discipline in war. The same rigour which was 
displayed against political offences, appeared con- 
spicuous in punishing crimes against morality, 
Murder, even when perpetrated on the person 
of a vile slave, was visited with death ; nor could 
a husband inflict that retribution on his adulter- 
ous wife without incurring the same punishment, 
though the latter, as well as her paramour, were 
either stoned to death, or had their heads brui- 
sed and smashed between two stones. The 
crime of adultery was punished with death al- 
most throughout the empire, but the penalty 
was inflicted with more severity in some dis- 
tricts than others. It was the practice in Incho- 
atlan to tear the guilty wife in pieces, and di . 
vide her limbs amongst the witnesses that 
brought to light her offence. But the rigour of 
the law did not extend to the faithless husband, 
if he committed his offence with an unmarried 
female. Death >vas also the penalty attendant 
on thefts of importance ; and, indeed, there was 
scarcely any offence against the state, religion, or 
morality, that did not immediately meet with 
that rigorous retribution. Tins excessive and 
indiscriminate severity speaks greatly against 
the civilisation of the Mexicans. But ferocity 
was a striking characteristic of those Indians 
and that quality is too plainly displayed both in 



INTRODUCTION. 27 

their wars, religious ceremonies, and legislature. 
In this respect they present a great contrast with 
the Peruvians, who were remarkable for the soft- 
ness of their manners, and the benignity of their 
minds. 

The progress of the Mexicans in the arts of 
social life has been unquestionably overrated . 
Those ingenious paintings, which excited the ad- 
miration of the Spaniards, when beheld under 
the influence of excitement produced by a ro- 
mantic expedition, would be far from producing 
the same eirect upon calm and reflective specta- 
tors. Nevertheless, their skill in this art, as well 
as the ingenuity with which they wrought in 
gold the figures of animals, and other objects, is 
deserving of attention. Perhaps one of the 
strongest arguments in favour of Mexican su- 
periority, is to be found in the masterly care 
with which they provided for the defence of 
their capital. The stratagems, and various modes 
of fortification employed by the inhabitants du- 
ring the memorable siege of that city, bespoke 
a profundity of thought, and a quickness of re- 
solve, which are much above the power of the 
rude savage. But however considerable might 
have been the advancement which the Mexicans 
had made in social life, when compared with the 
other nations of the new world, it will be readi- 
ly admitted that they had but little claim to the 
b2 



28 INTRODUCTION. 

distinction, if measured by the then existing 
standard of society in Europe. That the Spa- 
niards, accustomed to treat with, and war against 
savages, should have been astonished and sur- 
prised at the aspect of men so far superior to 
their former antagonists, is easily conceived ; but 
when authors set in earnest to write about the 
public schools, civil institutions, and theatrical 
representations, of the Mexicans, — when, in fine, 
they attempt to exhibit that people in the man- 
hood of civilisation, we must receive those ac- 
counts with a salutary distrust. 

From this rapid sketch we may perhaps con- 
clude, that the Mexicans, though they might 
sustain the cold rays of the dawn of knowledge, 
were yet immeasurably far from bearing the daz* 
zling brightness of its meridian sun. At the time 
of their conquest by the Spaniards they were 
a warlike, ferocious, and persevering race, pos- 
sessing the ruder notions of commerce, agricul- 
ture, and legislation, and conversant with the 
first rudiments of art, but immersed in too gross 
an ignorance, and exhibiting too great a barba- 
rity in their manners, to entitle them to be 
reckoned within the pale of civilized nations. 



LIFE 

OF 

HERNAN CORTES. 



CHAPTER I. 



Introductory Remarks. Birth, Education, and 
Youth of Her nan Cortes. 

A spirit of discovery and adventure was the 
characteristic feature of the end of the fifteenth, 
and a great portion of the sixteenth century. No 
sooner had the daring genius of Columbus achie- 
ved the most extraordinary enterprise recorded 
in the history of man, than the sons of that na- 
tion which had assisted him in what was deemed 
a chimerical undertaking, became imbued with 
a portion of his heroic spirit, and appeared only 
intent on improving his glorious and successful 
career. The ardent imagination of the Spaniards 
already began to riot in the prospect of the acqui- 
sition of wealth, and the subjugation of empires. 
Every man, however humble his origin, slender 
his abilities, or inadequate his resources, consider- 
ed himself fully qualified to join in the most ha- 
zardous and gigantic enterprise. A new species 
of chivalry appeared to animate the breasts of 



30 LIFE OF 

men, and the desire of independent military ad- 
venture succeeded the wars of the crusades and 
the dazzling era of knight-errantry. 

The genius of martial romance found a theatre 
for display in a New World, when it ceased to be 
tolerated in the old, which was now absorbed with 
the great drama of religious reformation, and the 
many bloody as well as ludicrous scenes of which 
it was composed. A vast field was opened to 
courage and enterprise in the newly discovered 
land ; and a multitude of heroic achievements^ 
extraordinary adventures, and sanguinary crimes, 
followed the eventful opportunity which naturally 
called them forth. 

Columbus, in discovering a new world, gave 
also to the pages of history a crowd of names 
which would otherwise have remained unborn to 
immortality. A striking illustration was trans- 
mitted to posterity, by the conquest of America. 
of the extent of the powers of man, as well as of 
the excesses to which he may be hurried by the 
violence of passions, or the peculiarity of circum- 
stances. Among the numerous adventurers who 
flocked to the New World, to cull the laurels of 
victory and seize upon the golden reward held out 
to daring exploit, many have inscribed their names 
in the imperishable tablets of fame. But, in the 
illustrious list, none deserves a more prominent 
station — none has bequeathed to posterity a me- 
mory surrounded with such splendour — a life of 
greater glory, with a lesser proportion of evil— 
than the conqueror of the great Mexican empire. 

Hernan Cortes was born at Medellin, a small 
town in Estremadura, in the year I486. He was 
the son of Don Martin Cortes de Monroy and 



HERNAN CORTES. 31 

Doiia Catalina Pizarro de Altamirano, both hidal- 
gos of noble descent, but possessing a fortune in 
no manner adequate to their rank. This circum- 
stance was perhaps the most conducive to the fu- 
ture exertions and extraordinary career of young 
Cortes. Had he been lavishly favoured with the 
gifts of fortune, satisfied with idle dissipation, and 
surrendered to enjoyment, it is probable that his 
genius would for ever have lain dormant, for want 
of an excitement sufficiently strong for its deve- 
lopement. In conjunction with other illustrious 
men, Cortes owed his future greatness to the ne- 
cessity for an exertion of his powers. Don Mar- 
tin, perceiving in his son the germ of talents, 
which, by proper cultivation, might arrive at a rich 
maturity, resolved to direct him towards some 
profession, which would at once open a field for 
his abilities, and improve his fortune. A natural 
quickness and sagacity, a certain degree of elo- 
quence, and a prudent reserve superior to the years 
of youth, made the elder Cortes entertain the idea, 
that the pursuit of the law was the career his son 
might embrace with the greater chance of success. 
At the age of fourteen, young Cortes was ac- 
cordingly sent to the University of Salamanca, — 
then one of the most renowned seats of learning, 
— in order to complete a course of studies neces- 
sary for his future avocation. But, though the 
youth had abilities for the acquirement of acade- 
mical distinction, he was not endowed with the 
persevering industry indispensable to the pursuit 
of letters. His ardent temper revolted from the 
restraint which is the soul of scholastic discipline, 
and be felt impatient at the laborious tranquillity, 
the slothful toil, which appeared conspicuous in 



32 LIFE OF 

those who were eager for the attainment of eru- 
dition and science. At the end of two years, there- 
fore, Cortes, though he had made some little pro- 
gress in learning, found the career chosen for him 
in direct opposition to his taste and natural incli- 
nation. He became disgusted with his inactive 
life, and, to relieve the wearisomeness of his present 
occupations, he launched into irregularities which 
involved him in serious difficulties, and threatened 
him with expulsion. 

The restless disposition of young Cortes now 
impelled him to abandon his academic labours and 
return to Medellin. Here he devoted himself 
wholly to those active sports and exercises which 
were more congenial with the ardour of his ima- 
gination and the impetuosity of his character. He 
became a proficient in the use of arms, and took 
great delight in horses and in every description of 
field sports. 

But the violence of his passions did not permit 
him to restrain his actions within the limits of 
moderation. His temper was so ardent, and his 
conduct so dissipated, at this early period of his 
life, that he gave no indication of the profound 
policy, and greatness of soul, which were to mark 
his future career. Possessing all those attractions 
so irresistible in captivating the regard of females, 
it is not surprising that he should be involved in 
intrigues at once prejudicial to himself and dis- 
tressing to his family. Nature had bestowed up- 
on him great personal advantages. His manners 
were remarkably engaging, and his address easy 
and alluring. He was, besides, a complete master 
in the art of persuasive eloquence — an advantage 
which, though at that time attended with no laud- 



HERNAN CORTES, 33 

able results, proved, in the sequel, one of the 
most powerful engines in the advancement of his 
great and glorious enterprise. He possessed a 
good stature and a graceful carriage, — a counte- 
nance full of animation, with eyes amorous and 
sparkling. A sound constitution, and a robust 
frame, rendered him capable of enduring any fa- 
tigue ; while his fertility of invention seemed suf- 
ficient to extricate him from any difficulty. But 
so many good qualities were now totally useless, 
if not perverted to purposes deserving only of re- 
probation ; and his father considered with sorrow 
that turbulent temper which he could not subdue, 
and that profligacy which he despaired to see over- 
come. To one creditable object alone was the 
warm imagination of young Cortes alive. The 
splendour of military glory filled his ardent mind, 
and he inwardly sighed for the moment when he 
might signalize his name by martial achievements. 
This inclination Don Martin made no attempt to 
combat. Having lost every hope that the restless 
and impetuous temper of his son would ever al- 
low him to follow prosperously any civil employ- 
ment, he was rather pleased than otherwise that 
he should embrace the profession of arms. 

That period was highly favourable to the dis- 
play of courage, and the acquisition of military re- 
nown. The wars in Italy were the theme of much 
speculation, and the famous Gonzalo de Cordova, 
surnamed the Great Captain, was the subject of 
general applause. Of course, the younger scions 
of the best families in Spain hastened to enrol 
themselves under his glorious auspices — a circum- 
stance which, together with the vicinity of Italy, 
perhaps induced Cortes to choose the standard of 



34 LIFE OF 

that leader, rather than join the bodies of adven- 
turers that were continually sailing for the New 
World. Don Martin having approved the choice 
of his son, every arrangement was made for the 
youth's departure; and as a reinforcement was 
on the point of marching to join the troops of 
the great captain in Naples, young Cortes was 
about to enlist as a volunteer, when he was pre- 
vented by a sudden indisposition. Yet to this cir- 
cumstance, which he then considered as the most 
severe disappointment, he was indebted for his 
future splendid career. There was no possibility 
of eclipsing the glory "of Gonzalo in Italy, and 
even a series of the most fortunate events could 
scarcely have enabled the young aspirant to ob- 
tain renown superior to some of the famous war- 
riors who served under that illustrious leader. To 
be ranked with Garcia Paredes or Navarro was, 
indeed, a truly honourable destiny; yet how far 
inferior to the glorious lot which fortune reserved 
for Cortes in the New World ! 

The appointment of Don Nicholas de Ovando 
to the government of Hispaniola, directed the 
thoughts of Don Martin and his son to a new 
channel. Ovando was their kinsman, and it was 
naturally conceived that, under his patronage and 
authority, young Cortes would find ample occa- 
sion for the display of his powers, and the ad- 
vancement of his fortune. The idea of departing 
for Italy, therefore, was totally relinquished, and, 
on the part of young Cortes, succeeded by an 
equally ardent wish of hastening to a wider field. 
At the expense of the public an armament was 
preparing for the purpose of transporting Ovando 
to Hispaniola, on a scale of magnitude hitherto 



HERNAN CORTES. 35 

unknown in the preceding expeditions to the same 
destination. Thirty-two ships were ready, which 
were to convey no less than two thousand five 
hundred persons, all intending to settle in the co- 
lony. Many adventurers of rank, but of needy 
fortunes, and many younger sons of good families, 
but of equally slender means, readily joined this 
expedition in the sanguine hopes of bettering their 
conditions. Hernan Cortes was of the number. 
Yet, when Ovando set out for Hispaniola, in 
1502, his young kinsman was prevented from 
joining him by a fatal and unexpected accident. 
The predilection of Cortes for amorous intrigue, 
upon this occasion, proved to be the means of 
thwarting his intentions with regard to the profes- 
sion of arms. 

Hernan Cortes, though not more than seventeen 
years of age, had already signalized himself so much 
for his gallantry, that the fears of his father for the 
consequences were sensibly excited, and the old 
man laboured incessantly to expedite the departure 
of his son from Medellin. At this time young Cor- 
tes was deeply engaged in an amour with a lady 
of that town. One dark night previous to the sail- 
ing of the expedition, as he was attempting to gain 
the bedchamber of his mistress, and scrambling 
over an old wall to reach the window, just as he 
had attained the top the tottering ruin suddenly 
gave way, and he was precipitated to the ground. 
The fall was so extremely severe, and he was so 
dreadfully bruised by the accident, that he was ren- 
dered totally unfit for the intended voyaged 

This untoward event was a source of great dis- 

* Gomara, Cron. 
C 



36 LIFE OP 

appointment to the sufferer, no less than of poig- 
nant sorrow to his father, who saw for the second 
time the prospects of his son blighted, and inward- 
ly deplored omens which seemed to him to predict 
no good to his future destiny. The recovery of 
the youth, meantime, was painful and slow ; but 
though this accident was at once a striking lesson, 
and a severe chastisement, it did not contribute to 
an amendment, for the passions of young Cortes 
remained as violent as ever. Dxm Martin once 
more turned his thoughts towards Ovando, who 
was now settled in his government, and he found 
it not difficult again to direct the ardent imagina- 
tion of his son towards that object with which it 
had been formerly so powerfully struck. 

Cortes at length departed from Medellin, and 
landed, without accident, at Santo Domingo, in the 
year 1504. His reception was such as would have 
satisfied the most aspiring. Ovando welcomed 
him like a son, and lost no occasion of testifying 
the interest he felt in his advancement, employing 
him in various stations both of distinction and 
emolument. But the fervent mind and towering 
ambition of Cortes was scarcely content with a 
degree of prosperity which would have completed 
the desires of many. He sighed for extraordinary 
excitement and perilous adventure. His military 
tastes were not sufficiently indulged at Hispaniola, 
nor had his powers a field wide enough for dis- 
play. Though in the enjoyment of fortune, Cor- 
tes was impatient, and even discontented with his 
destiny. 

A circumstance now took place, which was cal- 
culated in no ordinary degree to arouse all the 
ambition and enterprise of the colonists at Hispa- 



HERNAN CORTES. 3T 

niola. Such was the projected expedition of Oje- 
da and Nicuesa for the purpose of making disco- 
veries, achieving conquests, and establishing set- 
tlements in the mainland of America. Don Diego 
Columbus had succeeded Ovando in the govern- 
ment of Hispaniola, and it is not improbable that 
this occurrence, no less than the enterprising cha- 
racter of Cortes, induced the latter to add his 
name to the list of adventurers, some of whom, 
such as Nunez de Balboa and Francis Pizarro, 
were destined to become so celebrated at a future 
period. The expedition of Ojeda and his compa- 
nion proved, however, most disastrous to the Spa- 
niards, who met with ferocious and warlike tribes, 
making a decided opposition both to friendly over- 
tures and hostile attempts. They were, besides, 
assailed with a variety of calamities ; but, however 
strange it may appear, Hernan Cortes was for the 
third time prevented from following his inclina- 
tion. He was suddenly taken ill before the fleet 
set sail, and compelled to remain at Hispaniola, 
under the influence of a long and tedious malady. 
It would seem that the good fortune of Cortes 
again interposed in his behalf, in order to preserve 
his life for future glory. 

Had he made one of that fatal expedition, he 
might have shared the melancholy fate of his com- 
panions, of whom almost all perished in the space 
of one year, exposed to constant dangers that led 
to no result, and enduring hardships without the 
prospect of reward. Indeed, the only advantage 
attendant on this expedition was the settlement 
of a small and feeble colony on the Gulf of Da- 
rien, by Vasco Nunez de Balboa, whom fortune 
had marked out for greater and more prosperous 



38 LIFE OF 

enterprises in the sequel. Hernan Cortes, on per- 
ceiving the ill success of the undertaking of Ojeda 
and Nicuesa, seemed reconciled to that accident 
which had prevented him from encountering dan- 
gers without glory, and sufferings without recom- 
pense. Still his ardent spirit kept him in con- 
stant excitement ; and among all the foolish pro- 
jects of discovery and conquest devised by the 
young colonists at Hispaniola, none appeared to 
him too extravagant or too difficult. At length, 
in the year 1511, Don Diego Columbus having 
proposed the subjection of the island of Cuba,, the 
project was loudly applauded and eagerly adopt- 
ed, not only by needy and reckless adventurers, 
but by several persons of note and property in the 
colony. 

The command of the armament fitted out for 
this purpose was intrusted to Diego Velazquez, 
a chief who, having resided long at Hispaniola, 
had acquired great property and consideration, and 
enjoyed an honourable character for justice and 
discretion. Hernan Cortes eagerly embarked in 
this undertaking, and was so fortunate as to ob- 
tain the station of joint secretary, with Andres de 
Duero, to Velazquez. The reputation which he 
had already acquired for abilities, added, no doubt, 
to his talents for intrigue, paved the way to that 
post, which was the foundation-stone of his subse- 
quent splendid and most extraordinary career. 



HERNAN COUTES. 3D 



CHAPTER II. 



Conquest of the Island of Cuba, and Situation 
of Cortes. 

Perhaps none of the Spanish conquests in the 
New World was effected with greater facility than 
that of the extensive island of Cuba. It will ap- 
pear singular that when, in November 1511, Diego 
Velazquez arrived on the coast of an island seven 
hundred miles in length, and containing a vast po- 
pulation, the whole of the armament fitted out for 
its reduction amounted only to three hundred men, 
— and more singular still, that so slender a force 
should have achieved the enterprise. But the 
natives of Cuba were not a warlike race, nor had 
they made any preparations for resisting an inva- 
sion; indeed, the only opposition which checked 
the progress of the Spaniards was made by the 
Cazique Hatuey, who had established himself at 
the eastern extremity of the island after being 
driven from Hispaniola. This chief made a gal- 
lant resistance, first opposing the landing of Ve- 
lazquez, and then sheltering himself in the forests, 
where he alternately annoyed and was hunted by 
the enemy. But, despite of his efforts, the con- 
quest of the island was soon effected, and the co- 
lony of St Iago and others established. The volun- 
tary aid which Pamphilo Navvaez brought from 
c2 



40 1IFE OF 

Jamaica formed a remarkable feature in this con- 
quest. It procured for him the second post in the 
expedition, as well as a principal share of glory, of 
which, indeed, Hernan Cortes greatly partook. 

The insinuating manners and excellent abili- 
ties of young Cortes rendered him particularly 
acceptable to Velazquez. Being himself possessed 
of great prudence, together with no ordinary ta- 
lents, he was the more gratified when he beheld 
those qualities in another, allied to the fire and 
daring courage of youth. Cortes also perceived 
the advantages of his present station, and assi- 
duously devoted himself to the improvement of 
these advantages. He carefully cultivated the 
friendship of Andres de Duero, who enjoyed the 
unbounded confidence and regard of the Governor, 
and he made the most efficient use of his natural 
endowments for the furtherance of his ambitious 
views. But unfortunately it would appear, that 
the able exertions of his mind were constantly to 
be thwarted by the impetuosity of his temper. A 
singular anomaly appeared to exist in his charac- 
ter. A master of profound policy, and well ac- 
quainted with the secret of reading the hearts of 
men, he not unfrequently overturned, by one rash 
deed, the fruit of his greatest efforts. A number 
of the settlers at St Iago resolved to lay some 
grievances before Don Diego Columbus, in re- 
gard to Velazquez ; and Heman Cortes, both for 
his intrepidity and sagacity, was chosen to be the 
bearer of this complaint — a task of no small peril, 
as he would be obliged to pass over to Hispaniola 
in a canoe,* This injudicious step in his secretary 

■ Herrera, Dec. 



HERNAN CORTES. 41 

enraged the Governor to such a degree, that he 
made a vow to inflict the punishment of death on 
the delinquent. Cortes, however, lost no time in 
providing for his security. He succeeded in es- 
caping from the hands of those who had orders 
to arrest him, and took sanctuary in the church. 
Here he resolved to remain until Andres de Duero 
and his other friends could intercede with the Go- 
vernor in his behalf, and induce him to pardon 
his late conduct. But the invincible inclination of 
Cortes to intrigue came again to increase his diffi- 
culties, and involve him in more imminent dangers. 
He had succeeded in insinuating himself into the 
affections of a young maiden of good family, call- 
ed Doiia Catalina Suarez de Pacheco. She dwelt, 
unfortunately, contiguous to the church, a circum- 
stance which facilitated, to the concealed Cortes, 
the opportunity of holding clandestine interviews 
with his mistress. But those who were anxious 
for his capture were on the alert, and only await- 
ed an opportunity of availing themselves of his 
imprudence. 

One night, having left his sanctuary, in the full 
confidence that he was unobserved, and far from 
the reach of danger, he proceeded to an assigna- 
tion, when he found himself suddenly seized by 
the back, and unable to make any resistance. He 
was legally arrested by one of the alguacils of the 
colony, called Escudero, a person whom he after- 
wards caused to be executed in New Spain, for 
sedition. Cortes was immediately cast into prison ; 
but his seeming repentance and becoming deport- 
ment, added to the generosity of the Governor, pro- 
cured his pardon and release, and having married 
Doiia Catalina soon after, upon the birth of a son 



42 LIFE OF 

he requested the Governor to stanct god- father, a 
favour with which Velazquez readily complied. A 
sincere and perfect reconciliation appeared again to 
have taken place, but though the Governor beha- 
ved towards Cortes with all possible kindness, he 
could never be persuaded to reinstate him in his 
former office. From this moment Cortes con- 
ducted himself with the most refined policy. He 
affected as much humility, as zeal for the affairs of 
his patron, and used his utmost endeavour to ren- 
der himself agreeable to him. 

In the year 1517 Hernandez de Cordova, ha- 
ving left Cuba with a small expedition, under the 
sanction and authority of the Governor, discovered, 
in the beginning of March, the eastern cape of 
Yucatan. Though this expedition was attended 
with melancholy effects — the greater portion of the 
soldiers, with their commander, having fallen vic- 
tims to their bravery, and the hardships they sus- 
tained — still, from the accounts he received of the 
land, Velazquez was encouraged to fit out another 
and more powerful expedition, in order to achieve 
what the former had only commenced. He ap- 
pointed Juan de Grijalva to command this new ar- 
mament, which was composed of four vessels, con- 
taining two hundred and fifty men,* among whom 
were Pedro de Alvarado and Francisco de Monte- 
jo, who afterwards became much better known as 
officers under Hernan Cortes. After having dis- 
covered the island of Cozumel, the Spaniards 
coasted along the shore of Yucatan, and carried 
on a small commerce with the natives, exchanging 
little European trifles for the metal they so 

* J$. Diaz ; Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 43 

anxiously searched after, and the food which they 
required. Landing at last on the island of St 
Juan de Ulua, the Mexican governors of the ter- 
ritories on those coasts were so astonished at the 
appearance of beings, whose aspect, figure, and 
weapons, were so different from their own, that 
they immediately conveyed intelligence to Monte- 
zuma, of the strange objects that had so deeply 
excited their wonder. 

Montezuma governed over a vast, populous, and . 
rich empire. The information sent him regarding 
these singular visitors perplexed his mind, and 
inspired him with ominous apprehensions. From 
that moment, until the arrival of the Spaniards in 
his capital, he remained in a constant state of dis- 
quietude, which was abundantly fed by a ready 
belief in some old traditions, and in some strange 
prophecies. Meanwhile, the Spaniards remained 
several days at St Juan de Ulua, during which 
time they succeeded in procuring a considerable 
quantity of gold, * and Grijalva felt more assured 
that the coast near the island was a continent. 
This discovery highly flattered his expectations ; but 
as his means were totally inadequate to prosecute 
for the present any very hazardous enterprise, he 
prudently resolved to require assistance from Cu- 
ba before attempting to push his discoveries far- 
ther. He was the more confirmed in this resolu- 
tion by his followers, now greatly reduced by dis- 
ease, being too small in number to establish a co- 
lony, which was his paramount desire. 

Grijalva accordingly dispatched Alvarado back 
to Cuba, with a faithful account of what had 

9 B. Diaz. 



44 LIFE OF 

taken place since his departure from that island, 
sending along with him specimens of the gold 
which they had already obtained, and instructing 
him to demand a competent reinforcement to ena- 
ble the expedition to prosecute their course. Af- 
ter this Grijalva pursued his discoveries about the 
province of Panuco, which they found covered 
with populous towns, at the distance of three 
leagues from the coast.* 

Meanwhile, Diego Velazquez had remained in 
a state of the utmost anxiety since the moment 
that the expedition had departed from Cuba. He 
apprehended that the second armament would not 
be productive of more fortunate results than the 
one commanded by Cordova. His fears became 
at length so perplexing and tormenting, that in 
the persuasion that Grijalva and his men might 
have perished, he resolved to send a vessel to as- 
certain their fate. This ship he gave to Christoval 
de Olid, afterwards one of the principal actors in 
the conquest of Mexico. But Olid, after sailing 
some time in the tract of his companions, had his 
vessel so buffeted and disabled by the weather, 
that he was compelled to return to Cuba, without 
being able to carry any intelligence to the Gover- 
nor. This disappointment increased the uneasiness 
of Velazquez, and he remained undecided what 
course to adopt, when he was fortunately relieved 
from all his solicitude by the arrival of Pedro de 
Alvarado. 

This officer gave the most glowing descriptions 
of the country which Grijalva had discovered, and 
the gold which he produced appeared as an incon^ 

* B. Dia?. 



HERNAN CORTES. 45 

testible coiToborative to his assertions. He was 
accordingly received by the Governor as the bear- 
er of the most joyful tidings,* and treated with 
such consideration and respect as indicated the 
value set upon his intelligence. The ambition and 
avarice of Diego de Velazquez were now extraor- 
dinarily excited. The exaggerated reports concern- 
ing the wealthy country newly discovered extend- 
ed rapidly through the island, and aroused the 
Spaniards, who, in that adventurous age, required 
but little stimulus to awaken the wildest hopes, 
and inspire them with notions of the most singular 
undertakings. None, perhaps, was more powerful- 
ly actuated by these sentiments than Hernan Cor- 
tes, who saw that fortune had at length brought 
forward a proper field for the full exertion of his 
powers, and the gratification ^of his towering am- 
bition. Latterly he had been extremely assiduous 
in endeavouring to remove the impression of his 
former disagreements with the Governor, and he 
had every reason to suppose that Velazquez enter- 
tained nothing but a friendly feeling towards him. 
Meantime the reports brought by Alvarado, of 
the discovery made by Grijalva of a new conti- 
nent, transported the Governor of Cuba with un- 
bounded joy. He immediately sent messengers 
to Spain with this important intelligence, whilst 
he himself devoted his whole attention to the fit- 
ting out of an armament competent for the con- 
quest, which was at once to satisfy his avarice and 
ambition. The preparations were carried on with 
great activity, nor was it a difficult task to find a 
sufficient number of adventurers willing to enrol 

* B. Diaz. 



46 LIFE OF 

themselves in the expedition. The choice of a 
commander, however, to conduct so mighty an 
undertaking, demanded more care, and excited 
deep solicitude in the mind of the Governor. He 
knew that the success of the enterprise mainly 
depended upon the election, and he was anxious 
to intrust the command to one whose abilities 
were equal to his courage. But, at the same time, 
he dreaded those requisites which he thought in- 
dispensable, his natural jealousy suggesting that 
the possessor of them might be induced to act in- 
dependent of his authority, as soon as he was no 
longer under his observance and control. 

Several chiefs were pointed out to the choice 
of Velazquez. Some represented Vasco Porcallo, 
a person of high rank, and a relation of the Count 
de Feria, as the most fit for the occasion, whilst 
the soldiers were inclined to have Grijalva for 
their leader. The fears and jealousies of Velaz- 
quez made him reject both candidates. His own 
relations, Augustin Bermudez and Bernardino Ve- 
lazquez, were next considered as likely to obtain 
the nomination. But the Governor still continued 
in his irresolute frame of mind. The decisive 
cast of the destiny of Cortes was at length arrived. 
The two persons who possessed the entire confi- 
dence of Velazquez, as well as the greatest influ- 
ence in his councils, were the royal treasurer of 
Cuba, Amador de Lares, and Andres de Duero, 
his own secretary. These individuals Cortes had, 
by his insinuating manner, completely won over to 
his interest, and he now sedulously endeavoured 
to strengthen this favourable impression. He en- 
tered into a secret compact with these confiden- 
tial officers of tbe Governor, by which he agreed 



HERNAN CORTES, 47 

to bestow upon them a splendid emolument from 
the undertaking, should they succeed in procuring 
for him the command of the expedition.* 

The friends of Cortes lost no time in recom- 
mending him to Velazquez, with all the ardour and 
assiduity which attachment for the candidate, as 
well as personal interest, could suggest. The Go* 
vernor listened to their proposal with apparent sa- 
tisfaction, and seemed to be convinced by the 
truth of their arguments. Indeed, the actual si- 
tuation of Cortes was most favourable to the fur- 
therance of his views. He had hitherto acted in a 
dependent capacity, which was not calculated to 
excite the jealous fears of Velazquez ; whilst, on 
the other hand, he possessed that intrepidity, and 
those talents, which the Governor considered indis- 
pensable in a commander. He had shown, on seve- 
ral occasions, that he was endowed with qualities 
designed by nature to raise the most sanguine ex- 
pectations. Besides, his character and temper had 
been settled and subdued. The turbulent fire of 
youth had softened into a chastened and well-re- 
gulated ardour, and his splendid, though wayward, 
mind had been corrected and improved by thought. 
His arrogance had subsided into a frank military 
boldness, and the resources of his powerful intellect 
were rapidly maturing and ready to yield fruit. To 
these attributes of a great man, he added all those 
physical advantages so conducive successfully to 
promote the plans of a master-mind and of an in- 
trepid heart. He was, besides, a general favourite 
among the Spaniards, whose regard he had won 
by his manners, wit, and frank and generous dis- 

• B. Dia*. 



48 LIFE OF 

position, at the same time that his merit excited 
their approbation. 

Velazquez flattered himself that he had at length 
found the individual he had so anxiously sought 
after. Cortes possessed neither sufficient rank, 
property, nor influence, to aim at independence ; 
and there were, besides, other circumstances that 
would bind him to the interests of the Governor. 
The quarrels between him and Cortes had hap- 
pily terminated after the marriage of the latter, 
and Velazquez, since that period, had lost no op- 
portunity of showing his good-will and friendly 
disposition. This circumstance, as well as the im- 
portance of the post to which Cortes would be 
elevated, in preference to other candidates of 
higher rank and superior pretensions, would bind 
that chief by indissoluble ties of gratitude and re- 
spect. The nomination of Cortes was at length 
rendered public, and inducements held out to those 
who might feel inclined to join the expedition. In 
a short time about three hundred volunteers en- 
listed at St Iago, among whom were Diego de 
Ordaz, Francisco de Morla, Escobar, and Bernal 
Diaz del Castillo, the historian of the conquest of 
Mexico. 

But the spirit of cabal soon began to work, to 
overturn the fortune of Cortes. The relations of 
Velazquez lost no time, and neglected no manoeu- 
vre, to depict him in unfavourable colours, and 
to persuade the Governor to revoke his commis- 
sion ; but he persisted in his intention, though his 
suspicious heart began to harbour incipient doubts. 
The vigilance of Cortes, however, was proportion- 
ate to the danger which seemed to threaten his 
prospects. Faithfully informed, by Lares and 



HERNAN CORTES. 49 

Duero, of the efforts of his rivals, he quickly ap- 
plied himself to baffle their machinations. To this 
effect he disposed his affairs with such uncommon 
activity, that before the poison which his enemies 
poured into the ear of Velazquez had time com- 
pletely to operate, every thing was ready for his 
departure. He then had a long conference with 
the Governor, who accompanied him the next 
morning to the vessel ; where they took leave of 
each other with mutual professions of friendship 
and regard,* and Cortes set sail from St Iago on 
the 18th of November, 1519. 

B B. Diaz. 



50 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER III. 



Departure of the Expedition for the Conquest of 
New Spain. 

The departure of Cortes served but to increase 
the suspicions of Velazquez, and his jealous fears 
were soon wrought to a painful excitation, notwith- 
standing the apparent cordiality which had mark> 
ed the last meeting between the Governor and his 
general. The rank seeds of doubt and envy, which 
had been already sown in the breast of the former, 
were brought to maturity long before their proper 
season. The precautions which Velazquez had 
taken to secure the success of his speculations now 
appeared to him totally inadequate to the dan- 
ger by which they were threatened. Under the 
specious pretence of supplying Cortes with a com- 
panion of great prudence and abilities, he had 
caused Diego de Ordaz to be enrolled in the expe- 
dition, but with secret injunctions to keep a strict 
watch over its commander, and transmit a faith- 
ful account of all his operations. This expedient, 
however, was now insufficient to soothe the agi- 
tation of Velazquez. With the sentiments natu- 
ral to captious and subtle minds, he considered 
that even the fidelity of his own creature might be 
shaken as soon as he was free from observation, 



HERN AN CORTES. 51 

or exposed to the allurements of a inore*promising 
reward. 

But the anxiety consequent on such perplexing 
thoughts was further heightened hy the assiduous 
machinations of the enemies of Cortes. Those 
who had been disappointed in then* expectations of 
being named to the command of the armament, 
and more specially the relatives of the Governor, 
lost no occasion of arousing those fears which they 
perceived he was but too well disposed to enter* 
tain. They represented Cortes as a man medi- 
tating to shake off his dependence on his chief, so 
soon as a fit occasion should offer. To arguments 
and deductions which bore a strong appearance of 
truth, other resources were added of a more ex- 
traordinary nature. The powerful engine of su- 
perstition was called up to second the effect of 
human reasoning, and the heated fancy of the Go- 
vernor received the suggestions of the former with 
the same facility that his jealous disposition list- 
ened to the latter. One Juan Millian, a sort of 
enthusiast, professing to be deeply versed in the 
mysteries of astrology, was employed by the ene- 
mies of Cortes to work upon the credulity of Ve- 
lazquez. The ominous predictions issued by the 
soothsayer, completed what the jealousy of the 
Governor had already begun, and he formed the 
resolution of recalling Hernan Cortes from the 
command of the expedition. 

Acting upon this idea, he immediately sent mes- 
sengers to Trinidad, a small settlement in the is- 
land to which the armament had proceeded. These 
messengers carried the most rigid orders to Fran- 
cisco Verhugo, the chief magistrate of the place, 
directing him to deprive Cortes of his commission, 
and appointing Vasco Porcallo to succeed liim in 
1)2 



52 LIFE OF 

his charge. Similar instructions were also sent to 
Diego de Ordaz and Francisco de Morla, and 
every step was taken to ensure the success of the 
Governor's wishes. Fortunately for Cortes, amongst 
the many enemies who strove to prejudice Ve- 
lazquez against him, he could count on two zeal- 
ous and very powerful friends to support his cause. 
Accordingly, he received secret intelligence from 
Lares and Duero of the several intrigues in pro- 
gress against him, and Cortes immediately took 
measures to render them harmless. He exerted 
all his endeavours to bring over to his interests 
those men whom he knew were most strongly 
attached to Velazquez. The consciousness of his 
abilities, aided by dazzling promises, succeeded 
in seducing Ordaz from his former employer ; and, 
by singular good fortune, the very person on whom 
the Governor principally confided for the defence 
of his interest, was the most strenuous in support- 
ing the claims of his rival. 

Ordaz represented to Verdugo the great danger 
of attempting to enforce the commands of the Go- 
vernor in the actual posture of affairs.* Cortes 
had so fully won the affections of his followers, 
that any attempt to deprive them of a commander 
whose conduct they cherished, and on whose ta- 
lents they confided, could only be attended with 
very doubtful results. Whether intimidated by 
fear, or bribed into consent, the magistrate of 
Trinidad neglected to enforce the commands of 
the Governor ; whilst, on the other hand, Cortes, 
even when he was actually defying the power of 
Velazquez, wrote to assure him of an entire de- 
pendence on his authority. Cortes then set sail 

■ B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 53 

for the Havana without further molestation. On his 
arrival in this settlement, the commander devoted 
himself assiduously to the task of raising troops, 
as well as completing the stores and provisions 
necessary to carry on so daring an expedition. The 
spirit of adventure that inflamed the Spaniards at 
that period effectually seconded his exertions. He 
was immediately joined by Gonzalo de Sandoval, 
Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Soto, and other 
persons of note, whilst various volunteers of lesser 
importance daily flocked to his standard. 

The provisions, as well as the arms, were care- 
fully inspected by Cortes, and as cotton was a 
cheap article in the place, he provided his soldiers 
with strong quilted jackets. His activity was such 
as befitted the occasion. He clearly foresaw that 
Velazquez would not be satisfied with the single 
attempt which he had made to deprive him of 
command, but that others still more vigorous 
would be essayed by the suspicious Governor. It 
was his anxious desire, therefore, to set sail with 
the utmost expedition, but this event was indis- 
pensably delayed by the cares necessary to the 
equipment of his fleet and army. What he had 
anticipated was not long in taking place. Velaz- 
quez, enraged against Verdugo for having neglect- 
ed the instructions sent to him, and now convin- 
ced that he could repose no trust in Cortes, deter- 
mined to make a more vigorous attempt to divest 
him of power. He accordingly dispatched a per- 
son of confidence to the Havana, with secret in- 
structions to Pedro Barba, who commanded that 
settlement. By these he gave full powers to his 
lieutenant to arrest Cortes, without further cere- 
mony, to send him under a strong escort to St 



54 LIFE OF 

Iago, and to delay the departure of the expedition 
until future notice. To the inj unctions forwarded 
to Barba, he added equally peremptory commands 
to the principal officers, charging them to lend their 
aid in executing the orders sent to the Governor 
of the Havana. 

A timely announcement of this new danger 
gave Cortes the means to avert it. Bartholomew de 
Olmedo, the chaplain of the armament, received 
secret intelligence from a monk of his order of the 
plan in contemplation ; and Cortes, duly apprised 
of his peril, lost no time in adopting a line of con- 
duct suitable to the occasion. Amongst his prin- 
cipal officers, there were two on whom he might 
justly found suspicion. These were Velazquez 
de Leon, on account of his near relationship to 
the Governor, and Diego de Ordaz, who, notwith- 
standing his behaviour at Trinidad, had lately af- 
forded symptoms of a wavering disposition, if not 
of a secret wish to favour the designs of his former 
chief. The first of these, a young man of ardent 
spirit and a frank open character, Cortes easily 
succeeded in gaining to his party, by depicting, 
in vivid colours, the glory to be gained by the ex- 
pedition, and the difficulties which might be 
thrown in their way by procrastination. Indeed, 
the commander had worked so successfully on the 
imagination, and won so entirely on the affections, 
of the young officer, that he became afterwards one 
of his most devoted adherents. With regard to 
Ordaz, he had him carefully removed from his side, 
under pretence of sending him to Guaniguanico, 
near Cape Antonio, to procure a fresh supply of 
provisions necessary for the voyage. 

Pedro Barba was equally remiss in executing 



HERNAN CORTES, 55 

the Governor's orders, as Verdugo Lad been pre- 
viously at Trinidad. He contented himself with 
writing to Velazquez, that the fulfilment of his 
instructions could not be attempted without im- 
minent danger of a revolt from the people over 
whom he held power. Such an assertion, however, 
was not devoid of truth. The masterly policy of 
Cortes had paved the way to complete success, 
Immediately upon the departure of Ordaz, he 
assembled bis troops, and with the natural elo- 
quence of which he was master, he explained to 
them the jealous views of Velazquez, and his un- 
just endeavours to deprive him of command with- 
out foundation. He further dwelt on the impolicy 
of delaying the expedition, when they were all so 
zealous and eager for the enterprise. Both officers 
and soldiers felt indignant at this exposure of the 
Governor's intentions ; they were all impatient to 
set out on an undertaking which was to crown 
them with laurels, and satisfy their cravings after 
wealth. They had, besides, spent all their pro- 
perty in equipping themselves for the expedition, 
and any unnecessary procrastination was to them 
a source of disappointment and mortification. 
These motives, added to their devoted attachment 
to Cortes, which he had succeeded in creating 
by his winning manners, and the consciousness 
of his capability for command, induced the troops, 
with one accord, to call on him not to abandon his 
post, for they would confidently follow under his 
guidance, and venture their lives in support of his 
authority. 

Cortes gladly complied with a request so con- 
sonant with his wishes, and which he had himself 



56 LIFE OF 

so ardently laboured to bring about. He declared 
his readiness to conduct them immediately to the 
conquest of that rich country which was to con- 
fer lasting glory on their valour, and recompense 
their labours with the prompt enjoyment of wealth. 
And he further took a solemn oath never to aban- 
don a gallant army which had now afforded so 
striking an instance of firmness and attachment. 
These promises were greeted by the soldiers with 
transports of applause and joy, not unmixed with 
threats against the secret enemies of their general. 
Confident in the fidelity of his troops, Cortes was, 
nevertheless, inclined to keep up a show of de- 
ference towards the Governor ; and to this intent 
he again wrote to Velazquez, giving him the 
strongest assurances of devotion to his service and 
dependence on his will. He further added, that 
it was his intention to sail on the following day. 

The preparations were now concluded, and no- 
thing appeared to arrest the departure of the ar- 
mament. Yet the extent of the arrangements bore 
no proportion to the magnitude of the enterprise 
for which they were undertaken. A faithful enu- 
meration of the forces, as well as of the supplies 
and military stores that composed this expedition, 
cannot but excite the feeling of wonder and 
astonishment, both as to the slender means of the 
adventurers, and the rashness of their undertaking. 
Though the armament had been equipped by the 
combined exertions of every settlement in Cuba, 
though the Governor had expended what was then 
considered a great sum, and though every soldier, 
to the very last man, had laid out his whole stock 
in his accoutrements, the expedition was conduct- 
ed on so narrow a scale as to appear incompatible 



HERNAN CORTES. 57 

with any subordinate speculation, much less so 
mighty an achievement as the subjection of a vast 
empire. Eleven vessels, the largest of which was 
of a hundred tons, three of seventy, and the rest 
open barks, constituted the whole of the fleet. 
They carried on board a hundred and nine mari- 
ners and mechanics, and five hundred and eight men 
of the land service, divided into eleven companies, 
according to the number of ships. But if the 
number of men was so surprisingly small, the re- 
sources by which they were to effect the conquest 
were still more incompetent. There were only 
sixteen horsemen, thirty musketeers, and thirty- 
two cross-bowmen ; the artillery consisted of ten 
brass-field pieces and four falconets.* The rest of 
the troops were equipped with swords and spears 
nor did any one encumber himself with defensive 
armour, which, in such a climate, could not but 
prove excessively inconvenient. In the absence, 
however, of the usual means of defence then in 
practice, the deficiency was in some measure sup- 
plied by the quilted cotton -jackets, which appear- 
ed to be an adequate protection against the weapons 
of the Americans. 

Such was the extent of the means with which 
Hernan Cortes and his companions thought them- 
selves enabled to achieve the conquest of a great 
empire — an empire more extensive in its territories 
than air the dominions of, [and subject to Spain, 
which was then the most powerful kingdom in 
Europe. History presents scarcely a more daring 
undertaking, and the imagination has difficulty to 
conceive what rational hopes of success the ad- 

* B. Diaz 5 Clavigero. 



58 LIFE OF 

venturers could entertain, when embarking on an 
enterprise which bore rather the appearance of ex- 
travagant romance, than the reasonable expectation 
of military exploit. 

But the passions which animated the Spaniards 
were as powerful as the stimulus by which they 
were put into motion. Each soldier considered 
himself as a hero, bound on his own account, and at 
his own risk, for a conquest that was to crown all 
his most sanguine expectations. Hernan Cortes 
was viewed more in the light of a gallant com- 
panion, whose great abilities entitled him to ex- 
ercise over them a reasonable power necessary to 
the furtherance of the common good, than an ab- 
solute commander, enjoying despotic control, and 
whose caprice and faults might be screened from 
their comments. Nor did Cortes himself feel dis- 
satisfied with the position in which he stood with 
respect to his followers. He had a magnanimity 
of soul above the petty jealousies of vanity; nor 
did he dislike a chivalrous spirit, which, in fact, 
gave him a more direct and absolute sway over 
his men ; for he knew that a skilful general ought 
to manage his soldiers more by the dictates of at- 
tachment, than by the suggestions of fear. The 
most distinguished warriors of all ages and coun- 
tries were remarkable for a kind of intimate fel- 
lowship which existed between them and their 
troops. Perhaps the greater portion of their suc- 
cess may be ascribed to this sentiment. It cer- 
tainly contributed materially to the extraordinary 
career of Napoleon. 

Besides, the whole circumstances connected 
with the conquest of the New World come array- 
ed in so singular a light, that the feeling of com- 



HERNAN CORTES. 59 

panionship between the leader and his followers 
was more desirable than in any other w T ar. It was 
enthusiasm alone that could impel the Spaniards to 
the bold attempt, as well as support their energies 
under the difficulties with which it was beset, and 
the labour by which it was surrounded. But the 
spirit of enthusiasm was a component part of the 
Spanish adventurers. The interests of the Christ- 
ian religion dwelt strongly upon their imagination ; 
and, strange to say, their undertaking partook at 
once of the somewhat anomalous nature of a mi- 
litary expedition, and a mission for the propaga- 
tion of their faith. Perhaps Cortes himself was 
not completely exempt from some tincture of this 
feeling ; at all events, he was not averse to en- 
courage it amongst his troops, as he considered it 
highly conducive to the success of his plans. In- 
deed, nothing could more efficiently aid and urge 
on the spirit of adventure and thirst of wealth with 
which each soldier was inflamed, than a thorough 
conviction of the sacredness of the cause in which 
they were engaged. 

Under this impression, Cortes had caused a rich 
standard of velvet, embroidered with gold, bearing 
the royal arms and a large cross, to be carried in 
the expedition. These colours were embellished 
with a Latin motto to this purport : — " Compa- 
nions, let us follow the Cross, for under this gui- 
dance we shall conquer" 

Such was the enthusiasm by which the Spaniards 
were actuated ; and they accordingly ventured 
boldly into the enterprise, with the security arising 
from a firm confidence of success. Cortes ordered 
the eleven companies of soldiers, into which he 
had divided his troops, to embark, and appointed 



60 life or 

a captain to each of them. The names of these 
officers, most of whom became afterwards highly 
conspicuous in the conquest of the New World, 
were Juan Velazquez deLeon, Pedro de Alvarado, 
Hernandez Portocarrero, Francisco de Montejo, 
Christoval de Olid, Juan de Escalante, Francisco 
de Morta, Francisco Salcedo, Juan Escobar, and 
Gnies Nortes. Cortes himself took the command 
of the Admiral; the skilful Alaminos he made 
chief pilot, and to Orozco, an experienced officer., 
he intrusted the direction of the artillery, 



HERNAN CORTES. 61 



CHAPTER IV. 



The Expedition touches at the Island of Cozumel, 
and arrives at Tabasco. 

Hernan Cortes set sail on the 10th of Fe- 
bruary, and bent his course to the island of Co- 
zumel. He found, however, on his arrival at the 
town, that it was totally deserted. The approach 
of the armament had alarmed the inhabitants, and 
they fled precipitately into the inland country. 
The conduct of Aivarado's company, which was 
the first that landed, was not calculated to dissipate 
the fears, or conciliate the affections, of these island- 
ers. The Spanish soldiers, in the spirit of con- 
quest, considered themselves entitled to lay hands 
on whatever they found desirable, and accordingly 
began to despoil an idol, that stood in a temple 
near the town, of various ornaments of gold. 
Cortes, aware of the ill effects which this rapaci- 
ous disposition might produce in the prosecution 
of his plans, and willing, on the other hand, to 
win the inhabitants by all possible means ere he 
had recourse to arms, severely reprimanded Al- 
varado for the behaviour of his company, set two 
or three prisoners at liberty, and ordered an im- 
mediate restitution of the articles taken. 

These conciliatory measures produced the de- 



62 life or 

sired effect. The inhabitants soon lost their appre- 
hensions, and mixed confidently with their visitors. 
But a more fortunate result occurred to Cortes 
from his touching at Cozumel. This was the acqui- 
sition of a Spaniard to his band, who, from a con- 
siderable residence among these Indians, had gain- 
ed a thorough knowledge of their language, and was, 
in the sequel, of essential service to the expedition 
in the capacity of interpreter. The frequent repe- 
tition of the word Castillano, by the inhabitants of 
Cozumel, convinced Cortes that some one of his 
countrymen was living in the island. He accord- 
ingly made the necessary enquiries, and was for- 
tunate enough to discover the person in question. 
When he came into the presence of Cortes, his 
appearance was so singular as to excite no small 
degree of surprise amongst the Spaniards. He 
was completely dark ; his attire was composed 
of a few rags thrown slovenly over his shoulders 
and round his waist ; and in his deportment he bore 
a strong resemblance to the Indians. He carried 
a sort of paddle in his hand, and a small bundle 
on his back, in which, amongst other poor trifles, 
there was the remnant of a prayer-book. From 
want of practice he had, in a great measure, lost 
the usage of his native tongue, and in every re- 
spect he conducted himself like the inhabitants of 
the island. 

This man was not wanting, however, in a con- 
siderable share of shrewdness, as he proved in the 
sequel, by his services. He declared his name to 
be Geronimo de Aguilar, a native of Ecija, and 
to have received holy orders. It appeared that, 
eight years before, he had been wrecked while on 
a voyage from Darien to Hispaniola. He and his 



HERNAN CORTES. 63 

fellow-sufferers had endeavoured to save them- 
selves in a boat; but had been driven on the 
coast, where they were made prisoners by the na- 
tives of the country, and reduced to servitude. 
Many of these unfortunates had been sacrificed, 
and others had sunk under excessive labour. Agui- 
lar, however, though exposed to many perils, had 
been enabled to escape them all, and had remain- 
ed ever since with a cazique, who treated him with 
sufficient leniency. Aguiiar further stated, that 
of the whole crew driven on the coast, himself 
and another man, who had since identified himself 
with the Indians, and become one of their tribe, 
were the only persons now alive. 

On the 4th of March, Cortes left Cozumel and 
continued his voyage to the river Grijalva, or Ta- 
basco. The inhabitants of this place having for- 
merly shown much friendship towards Grijalva, 
Cortes proceeded thither in hopes of a similar 
reception, as well as of a harvest of gold. His flat- 
tering expectations were, however, disappointed. 
No sooner did he make his appearance before the 
town of Tabasco, than he found the disposition of 
the natives completely altered. Instead of friends 
ready to welcome his arrival, he met with enemies 
prepared to oppose his progress. Many canoes, 
filled w T ith warriors, presented themselves in hostile 
attitude, and near the town about twelve thousand 
men were assembled to check the invaders. The 
aspect of the natives indicating determined enmi- 
ty, Cortes was greatly surprised at such unex- 
pected demonstrations ; but it appeared that the 
Tabascans had been reproached, by other neigh- 
bouring tribes, for their amicable reception of Gri- 
jalva, and had been stimulated to adopt a very dif- 
e3 



64 LIFE OF 

ferent line of conduct with regard to future visi- 
tors. Cortes now clearly foresaw that he should be 
compelled to have recourse to arms ; but desirous 
of employing every other means before he came to 
this last expedient, he requested, by the agency 
of Aguilar, an interview with their chiefs. This 
demand they peremptorily denied ; nor did the 
threats which the Spanish general pronounced 
against them elicit other tokens than those of scorn 
and defiance. Cortes now attempted no further 
negotiation, but continued his course up the river, 
resolved to disembark in the immediate vicinity of 
the town. This intention was soon perceived by 
the enemy, and they accordingly nocked to the 
spot where they suspected that a landing was 
contemplated. In a short time a vast multitude 
covered the banks of the river in that quarter, fill- 
ing 1 the air with discordant shouts, and making an 
astounding noise with horns, trumpets, and drums. 
The attack commenced by a shower of arrows, 
and was closely followed up by a fierce rush of 
canoes full of warriors, who, with their lances 
and other weapons, vigorously opposed the land* 
ing of the Spaniards. A scene of promiscuous 
disorder ensued ; the invaders were compelled to 
force their way to the banks, fighting immersed to 
their waist in the water, and struggling desperate- 
ly through the mud. All this time they were 
assailed by the missiles and other weapons of their 
enemies ; but the ardent spirit by which they were 
animated, led them successfully through all diffi- 
culties. They at length gained the shore, and 
Cortes, placing himself at the head of his men, 
charged the foe with such violence that they were 
compelled to retreat. He, however, did not think 



HERNAN CORTES. 65 

it prudent, considering the exhausted state of his 
soldiers, to pursue the natives farther into the 
country, Fourteen Spaniards were wounded in 
this action. Cortes reviewed his troops, and ha- 
ving posted sentinels to prevent any surprise, re- 
solved to pass the night in a large court which 
contained three idols.* 

The news of the invasion soon spread through 
the country ; but the Indians, far from being dis- 
couraged by a first defeat, made the most formid- 
able preparations to repel the aggressors. Cortes, 
aware of the determined hostility of the inhabit- 
ants, now prepared to meet it with a suitable 
opposition. He ordered the horses to be brought 
on shore ; each of these he provided with breast- 
plates, and then distributed them amongst the best 
riders : of this small body of cavalry, thirteen in 
number, including the chief, Cortes took the com- 
mand in person. The infantry he intrusted to 
Diego and Ordaz, and the artillery to I\Iesa. He 
ordered those of his wounded men that could bear 
arms to follow, and having previously heard mass, 
he advanced in perfect confidence to the plain 
of Ceutla, where he understood the enemy had 
assembled. Their numbers covered the place, 
which rung with the din of their trumpets and 
drums ; their appearance being that of barbarian 
warriors. They wore feathers on their heads, and 
large shields to protect their bodies. Their wea- 
pons consisted of lances, two-handed swords or 
maces, bows, and slings ; and, to add to the terror 
of their appearance, they had daubed their faces 
with black and red.f 

* B. Diaz. t Ibid. 



66 LIFE OF 

Cortes had made a detour with the horse, with 
the double design of avoiding the ground, which 
was soft and marshy in that place, and of cutting 
off the retreat of the enemy, by gaining their rear. 
The infantry, meantime, received gallantly the first 
discharge of the enemy's arrows, but which proved 
disastrous to the Spaniards, as they had seventy 
men wounded, and one killed/ 5 The Indians fol- 
lowed up the attack with furious animosity, not- 
withstanding the destruction wbich the artillery 
wrought amongst their ranks. But the appear- 
ance of Cortes with the cavalry soon decided the 
fortune of the day. The Indians, intent on ha- 
rassing the enemy in front, did not perceive that 
chiefs arrival until he charged them vigorously in 
the rear. The ground was perfectly level and 
smooth, so as effectually to second the operations 
of the horsemen, who now drove furiously through 
the enemy, bearing down all opposition before them. 
The Indians were amazed at so unexpected and 
fatal an attack, no less than at the extraordinary 
beings by whom it was effected. Their bewilder- 
ed fancy conceived both rider and horse to form 
one strange and formidable monster, and, under 
this impression, they fled in the utmost dismay to 
the neighbouring woods and marshes. The rout 
was complete, no less than 800 Indians being slain, 
whilst the dead on the other side amounted to no 
more than two. 

This severe blow, added to other skirmishes, in 
which they were uniformly defeated, broke down 
the ferocity of the Indians, and made them wish 
for peace. They now were as anxious to propi- 

* B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 6t 

tiate the enemy, as they had previously been re- 
solute in opposing their advance. Fifteen men, 
with their faces blackened in sign of sorrow, and 
carrying a present of fowls, maize, and roasted fish, 
were immediately sent to Cortes. These were 
received by the Spanish chief with much kindness, 
which circumstance emboldened thirty natives of 
note to appear on the following day, to ask permis- 
sion to bury their dead. This request was readily 
granted ; and, from that moment, the intercourse 
between the Spaniards and the Indians became 
free and uninterrupted. But the levity and in- 
constancy natural to ignorant and uncivilized men, 
made Cortes apprehend a renewal of hostilities 
from the very beings who appeared now so humble 
and submissive. As soon as the first feelings of 
astonishment should subside, or a new impulse to 
act present itself, the Indians might be induced to 
change their peaceful disposition with the same 
facility which had marked their former resolutions. 
But Cortes, with that clear, calm foresight of 
probable results which seldom forsook him in the 
course of his eventful career, resolved to avail 
himself of the present favourable juncture to 
strengthen the deference of the natives, by ad- 
dressing himself to their terrors. For this pur- 
pose, he spoke to them in an austere tone of 
voice, depicting in fearful colours the effects of 
his vengeance, should they be tempted to meditate 
any future treason or revolt. To illustrate his 
threats in a striking manner, he then caused a 
cannon to be fired, the awful explosion of which, 
together with its destructive effects on the adjoin- 
ing wood, filled them with terror and amazement. 
Their imaginations were now more forcibly struck 



68 LIFE OF 

than when they were absorbed in the heat of the 
battle, and accordingly, the impression which the 
aspect and power of those mortal engines made on 
their minds was deeper and more lasting. This 
first experiment was followed by another of equal 
tendency. The most spirited and best-trained 
horses were brought forward, and a series of ter- 
rific military evolutions exhibited before the asto- 
nished Indians, These artifices answered fully 
the general's expectations. The natives looked 
on the Spaniards with a sort of reverential awe, and 
confessed themselves feudatory to their king. 

A friendly exchange of civilities now took place 
between the natives and their former enemies ; 
presents were mutually given and returned, and a 
perfect understanding seemed firmly established 
between the parties. Among other things, the 
natives presented to their conquerors sundry arti- 
cles which bespoke great ingenuity. Such were 
various toys of gold made to resemble dogs, lizards, 
ducks, and other animals. A gift of twenty women 
was also bestowed on the Spaniards. This boon 
proved afterwards the most important, as among 
the females was she who became in the sequel so 
celebrated under the name r of Dona Marina, and 
so useful in the conquest of the New World. She 
received baptism, together with her companions, 
from the hands of Father Olmedo ; and as she was 
destined to act so conspicuous a part in the expe- 
dition, and become justly renowned for her fidelity 
and important services, it will not, perhaps, be 
amiss to give a rapid sketch of her somewhat sin- 
gular story, as well as a description of her person. 
Dona Marina was a female of high rank amongst 
her countrymen ; and this was not controverted 



HERNAN CORTES. 69 

by her manners, which were easy and command- 
ing, or her character, which was replete with qua- 
lifications superior to the natives of the land. She 
possessed a quick and lively genius, a strong judg- 
ment, and a magnanimity which would have done 
honour to the stoutest warrior. Her outward ap- 
pearance was in accordance with her rare abilities. 
Nature had been as partial in giving her the charms 
of person, a-s she had been prodigal in endowing 
her mind with more lasting accomplishments* It 
would seem that she had been formed to trace 
no ordinary career in the world ; and indeed the 
perils and adventures of her life were such as fully 
to justify the supposition. She was the daughter 
of a Cacique, or Prince, feudatory to the Emperor 
of Mexico. Unfortunately, her father died whilst 
she was yet an infant ; and her mother, marrying 
again, and having a son by her new husband, Dona 
Marina became an object of dislike. Her unna- 
tural parent determined to defraud her of her in- 
heritance in favour of her younger child, and to this 
effect, she gave her privately away to some mer- 
chants of Xicallanco, at the same time circulating 
a report that she had died, and taking every step 
to give a colour to this assertion. The merchants 
to whom Dona Marina had been given, sold her in 
turn to one of the chiefs of Tabasco, who, as it has 
been related, presented her afterwards to Cortes. 
A mutual attachment arose between the Spanish 
general and this lovely slave. She became sincere- 
ly, faithfully devoted to him, accompanied him in all 
his perils and adventures, and did the most im- 
portant services, not only to the chief, but to the 
Spanish cause in general. As she was perfectly 
acquainted with the Mexican language, as well as 



70 LIFE OF 

with the Maja tongue, in which she conversed 
with Aguilar, a medium of intercourse was thus 
obtained between the Spaniards and the Mexicans, 
Tlascalans, and other nations of New Spain. But 
the natural quickness of Doiia Marina soon ena- 
bled her to acquire a competent knowledge of the 
Castilian language, by which the circuitous mode 
of interpretation became unnecessary in the sequel, 
and the means of communication greatly facilitated 
and simplified. 

But it was not only in the office of interpreter that 
Dona Marina was of service to her newly- adopted 
countrymen. She was acquainted with the man- 
ners, modes, and prejudices of the Americans, as 
well as conversant with their characters and dis- 
positions. She was accordingly usefully employed 
in the various negotiations which took place, dis- 
covered premeditated treasons, and suggested the 
means of avoiding dangers. Cortes was not long 
in perceiving the value of such an acquisition, He 
knew that there was no being on whom man 
could repose a more implicit trust than in a female 
of intelligent mind and courageous heart, when 
that heart was bound by the ties of affection. The 
watch of female attachment was perhaps the most 
effectual guard he could place over his security — 
a security which, he was aware, could not but be 
often threatened in the hazardous enterprise on 
which he had embarked. 

Cortes remained a few days longer in Tabasco, 
which time he devoted to the care of tending the 
sick and wounded, as also to that of persuading 
the natives to persevere in their allegiance to 
their new master the King of Spain. The In- 
dians had no difficulty in making promises which 



HERNAN CORTES, 71 

bore the aspect of sincerity. They evinced a 
willing readiness to perform whatever was re- 
quired of them by the conquerors. They accord- 
ingly aided the Spaniards in erecting a large cross, 
made of the cieba tree, on the field of the recent 
battle. On Palm Sunday they attended in pro- 
cession to do homage to that symbol of the re- 
demption of man, and appeared converted to the 
Christian faith. After this ceremony there was 
nothing to detain Cortes at Tabasco, and he there- 
fore issued orders that every thing should be in 
readiness for their departure* That same evening 
the Spaniards took a friendly leave of the natives, 
who reiterated their vows of fealty, and then em- 
barking, awaited for the morning to set sail for 
San Juan de Ulua. 



72 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER V, 



Interview with the Messengers of Montezuma, 8fc, 

Cortes endeavoured to keep his course as 
much as possible to the shore, and arrived in the 
harbour of San Juan de Ulua about the begin- 
ning of April.* He had, however, scarcely cast 
anchor, and hoisted the standard of Spain, when 
he perceived two large canoes full of people ma- 
king up to the fleet. Among these Indians there 
were two who seemed persons of note, and who 
came into the principal vessel, without any symp- 
toms either of fear or hostility. On the con- 
trary, they addressed Cortes apparently in a most 
friendly manner, but in a language which Agui- 
lar could not understand. Dona Marina, how- 
ever, obviated the difficulty, by translating to 
the latter into the Maja tongue what the strangers 
spoke in the Mexican. These two persons ap- 
peared to be the messengers from a chief, intrusted 
with the government of that province by a power- 
ful monarch whom they named Montezuma. 
They were commissioned to learn what were the 
intentions that induced Cortes to visit their coast, 
and at the same time to offer them any assistance 

* Robertson. 7 B, Diaz says the 21st, 



HERNAN CORTES. '73 

which might be necessary for the prosecution of 
his voyage. 

Cortes assured the deputies that lie and his fol- 
lowers were duly grateful for their friendly offers, 
and that in coming amongst them they were solely 
actuated by sentiments of peace and amity. He 
further informed them, that he was charged with a 
most important mission to their sovereign, which 
he considered highly beneficial to their country. 
He then invited them to take some refreshments, 
and sent them back to their employer with a few 
trifling presents of cut glass and other toys. The 
deputies, satisfied with this amicable reception, 
brought to their chief a faithful report of what 
they had observed ; and confident that the stran- 
gers were really guided by sentiments of amity, 
the Indians made no sort of preparation to oppose 
their landing. On the contrary, when they per- 
ceived, on the following day, that the Spaniards 
w r ere disembarking, they hastened to aid them in 
their operations with the utmost alacrity and good 
will. By this means Cortes was soon enabled to 
land all his troops, horses, artillery, and every 
other appendage of the expedition. He then 
gave orders for constructing huts for the soldiers, 
and made the necessary arrangements to put the 
cantonment in a state of defence. Some of the 
friendly natives willingly proffered their assist- 
ance in these works, whilst others brought to 
their new guests various supplies of bread, fowls, 
and fruit. They further announced to Cortes, 
that the governor of the province would shortly 
wait upon him; an intelligence which the Spanish 
commander received with apparent satisfaction. 

Accordingly the next day, that personage, whose 



74 LIFE OF 

name was Teutchlile, accompanied by Quitlalpi- 
toc, another chief, entered the Spanish camp, 
attended by a numerous train. Cortes, sensible 
of the importance which attached to these persons 
as ministers of a powerful sovereign, received their 
visit with every possible mark of attention and 
respect. To the profound reverence which they 
made, he answered with a suitable return of civi- 
lities, and invited them to partake of his meal. 
He then proceeded to inform the Mexicans, that 
his object in coming into their country was to ful- 
fil an important mission intrusted to him by his 
master, Don Carlos, the greatest monarch of the 
earth. He added, that the matters which he was 
to treat, and the propositions which he was to 
make to Montezuma, were of such a nature as to 
exclude the possibility of imparting them to any 
one but that Emperor himself. He therefore re- 
quested to be conducted to their master with the 
least possible delay. The Mexican chiefs were 
no less surprised than displeased at such a de- 
mand. They could scarcely conceal the painful 
emotion produced by the stranger's words, and 
Teutchlile even ventured to express his sentiments 
in a tone indicative of haughtiness and displea- 
sure.* But these natural instigations of offended 
pride were promptly checked by other considera- 
tions. They knew that Montezuma was averse 
to communicate with these strangers, whose first 
appearance on the coast of his empire had filled 
him with the most tormenting apprehensions. But, 
on the other hand, they dreaded to provoke, by 
an inconsiderate zeal, the anger of the Spaniards. 

* JB. Diaz. 



HE11NAN CORTES. 75 

Before they used their endeavours to dissuade 
Cortes from his intentions, they considered it 
would be highly prudent to conciliate his good- 
will by a show of respect and generosity. 

They accordingly announced that they were 
bearers of some presents which, in the name of 
Montezuma, they came to offer to the Spaniards. 
Teutchlile then ordered the gifts to be introduced 
with much parade and solemnity, and Cortes was 
no less surprised than gratified at their inspection. 
They consisted of a considerable quantity of fine 
cotton garments, together with a profusion of 
plumes of different colours, wrought into a variety 
of ornaments, and of several toys of gold, of a 
workmanship as ingenious as the materials were 
valuable. To these rich objects were added a 
great abundance of fowls, bread, and other articles 
of consumption. The Spaniards were highly plea- 
sed at the sight. Their thirst of wealth was ren- 
dered more keen, and their ardour for conquest 
received an additional stimulus. The sentiments 
which the rich display produced in their minds 
was indeed totally opposite to the wishes of Mon- 
tezuma. Far from being satisfied with the offered 
gift, they longed to visit a land so favoured by 
nature, and to possess themselves of its tempting 
treasures. Cortes, however, resolved to preserve 
a friendly intercourse with the natives, and in re- 
turn for the presents brought by Teutchlile and 
Quitlalpitoc, he gave them several artificial dia- 
monds, a richly-carved arm-chair, and a crimson 
cap, ornamented with a golden medal of St George, 
requesting that these might be carried to Monte- 
zuma, as a token of the amicable sentiments of the 
Spanish king towards the Mexican emperor. He 
f2 



?6 LIFE OF 

then, in a more peremptory tone, reiterated his 
demand of being admitted to an interview with the 
latter, — a request which the Mexicans promised 
should be faithfully conveyed to their master. 

During these proceedings some painters, who 
attended the Indian chiefs, were busily engaged 
in transferring to pieces of fine white cotton, an 
accurate representation of the strange objects that 
called forth their wonder and surprise. Not only 
the persons of Cortes and his companions were 
faithfully delineated, but the ships, horses, artil- 
lery, and every other object of novelty, found a 
place in these pictures. The Spanish general 
being informed that this work was undertaken 
with a view of conveying to Montezuma a lively 
representation of the singular beings that visited 
his dominions, considered this a most favourable 
opportunity to impress that emperor with a dread 
of the Spanish power. He accordingly caused 
the trumpets to summon the troops to arms. — the 
soldiers formed immediately into battle array, and 
went through several military exercises with great 
skill and perfect discipline. The cavalry were 
next called to exhibit their strength and activity, 
—and the spirited bearing of the horses, together 
with the wonderful ease and precision with which 
the riders performed their different evolutions, 
filled the Mexicans with speechless amazement. 
But when the artillery sent forth its portentous 
explosion, their surprise was changed into terror 
and dismay, — some fell with their faces to the 
ground, and others betook themselves to flight. 
Indeed, it was not without difficulty that they 
regained their self-command, and that Cortes suc- 
ceeded in calming their apprehensions. The 



HERNAN CORTES. 77 

painters then exercised their ingenuity in invent- 
ing new symbols to convey an idea of the last 
fearful scene to Montezuma. 

Whilst they were thus employed, Teutchlile was 
struck with the appearance of a helmet, which, he 
said, bore a strong resemblance to one which now 
adorned the head of Huitzilopochtli y the god of 
war. He accordingly begged permission to present 
it to the Emperor, a desire with which Cortes rea- 
dily complied. The Mexicans now took leave of 
their guests, and retired from the camp, giving 
strong assurances that they would receive an an- 
swer from Montezuma with the utmost expedi- 
tion. These promises were not idly made. The 
Mexican empire was governed at the time with a 
strictness of police with which Europe was unac- 
quainted at that period. Men were trained from 
their infancy to the office of couriers by a regular 
system, so that they had acquired from habit, as 
well as nature, a wonderful degree of shrewd- 
ness and agility. These men were posted at cer- 
tain intervals, along the principal roads of the em- 
pire, by which means they were enabled both to 
relieve each other by moderate stages, and to con- 
vey the intended intelligence with astonishing ra« 
pidity. Upon this consideration, it ceases to be 
a wonder that the message and the presents of 
Cortes should be received at the capital, which 
was at a distance of 180 miles, and an answer re- 
turned to San Juan de Ulua, within the space of 
a few days. 

Montezuma was greatly surprised at the infor- 
mation brought to him both by means of the pic- 
tures, and the verbal accounts of his messengers. 
The presents sent by Cortes excited his curiosity ; 



78 LIFE OF 

but there was one which produced the most me- 
lancholy feeling. The helmet which had attract- 
ed the attention of Teutchlile, failed not to create 
even a more powerful sensation in the bosom of 
his master. He looked, indeed, upon this fatal 
token as a mysterious emblem of the approaching 
end of his reign. These unfavourable surmises he 
founded upon a tradition then current among the 
Mexican people. It was widely circulated, and 
generally believed, that Quetzalcoatl, the god of 
the air, had disappeared a long time since, but 
with a promise of returning after a certain period, 
when he was to assume the government of Mexi- 
co, and reign over its children in peace and tran- 
quillity. This tradition, combined with the first 
appearance of the Spaniards, in whom the Mexi- 
cans found some tokens of resemblance with their 
mythological notions of the god of the air, made 
them suppose that this deity was come to fulfil the 
ancient promise, and resume the government of 
the empire.* 

Such an impression could not but prove highly 
mortifying to Montezuma. His jealous fears were 
strongly excited, and he shrunk with repiignance 
from the meeting which Cortes had so earnestly 
requested. His answer was accordingly contra- 
ry to the wishes of the Spaniards ; but afraid, on 
the other hand, to inflame their anger, and awaken 
their revenge, he accompanied his denial with such 
magnificent presents, as might tend, in some de- 
gree, to lessen their disappointment and mollify 
their indignation. Scarcely had a week elapsed, 
when Teutchlile returned to the Spanish camp, 

* Clavigcro. 



HERNAN CORTES. 79 

attended by a train of a hundred Indians, bear- 
ing the presents sent by Montezuma. As they 
came into the presence of Cortes, the deputies 
from that Emperor touched the earth with their 
fingers, and then kissed them, in sign of profound 
respect. This done, they proceeded to exhibit 
the gifts which they were commissioned to be- 
stow; but, in order that Montezuma's generous 
magnificence might more powerfully strike the 
imagination of the Spaniards, as well as prepare 
them for a denial to their requested interview, 
they began to spread the various articles on the 
ground in such order as might increase the effect 
of the display. The Spaniards were no less struck 
at the ingenuity of the workmanship of these pre- 
sents, than their admiration Avas excited at the rich 
productions of the country. Stuffs of cotton so 
fine, and so delicately wrought, as to vie with silk 
in their texture ; landscape pictures, formed with 
parti-coloured feathers, with such ability as to 
rival the creations of the pencil in truth of design 
and beauty of execution; curious ornaments of 
gold, worked into a perfect imitation of different 
animals, together with a variety of collars, bracelets, 
and other trinkets of the same metal ; such were 
the dazzling objects that now greeted the astonish- 
ed view of the Spaniards. But what chiefly en- 
grossed their attention, and awakened their wild- 
est hopes, was an enormous plate of gold, of cir- 
cular form, made to represent the Mexican age, or 
cycle of fifty years, and containing a sun in the 
centre. This piece was very massive, nor could 
it be less than ten thousand sequins in real value.* 

* Clavigero. 



80 LIFE OF 

This, together with several specimens of pearls, 
precious stones, and unwrought gold, all the pro- 
duce of the country, could not but increase that 
desire which the Mexicans had thought to appease 
by this injudicious measure. 

Cortes expressed the warmest acknowledgments, 
and evinced the most profound respect for the mo- 
narch who afforded so striking an instance of mu- 
nificence. This favourable disposition encouraged 
the ambassadors to discharge the second, and more 
painful part of their mission ; and accordingly, in 
the most conciliating terms, they proceeded to re- 
late the disinclination which the Emperor had to 
the appearance of the Spaniards at his court. He, 
however, endeavoured to soften this denial by de- 
scribing the difficulties which the strangers would 
have to encounter in crossing barren deserts and 
hostile tribes, as well as the alarm and jealousy 
which the arrival of foreign troops in the capital 
w r ould disseminate among his subjects. Cortes, 
upon this announcement, saw the necessity of 
adopting a more decided tone. He therefore de- 
clared, in a resolute manner, that he could not re- 
turn to his country until he had faithfully dischar- 
ged the commission with which he was intrusted 
by his sovereign ; and firmly persisted in his pre- 
vious demand of visiting Montezuma. 

The Mexicans were at once surprised and cha- 
grined at this unbending spirit of the Spaniard. 
They were at a loss what course to adopt. The 
desires of their master were as absolute as the de- 
mand of Cortes was now peremptory. They dread- 
ed to disobey the former, yet trembled to provoke 
the latter. In this dilemma they endeavoured to 
conciliate a middle term, by which, without abso- 



HERNAN CORTES. 81 

lutely rejecting the wishes of the strangers, they 
might yet be prevented from advancing towards 
the capital. Acting upon this idea, they prevailed 
with the Spanish commander to promise not to 
move from his present position until a messenger 
had been sent to, and further instructions received 
from, Montezuma.* 

The decision with which Cortes persisted in his 
original design, failed not to produce a strong sen- 
sation upon the Mexican sovereign. It would ap- 
pear that the tone adopted by the Spanish com- 
mander left no room to hope any change of pur- 
pose from negotiation. It was incumbent on 
Montezuma either to receive him in the friendly 
character due to an ambassador, or to oppose his 
further progress as an avowed enemy. But these 
alternatives were both repugnant to the Mexican 
monarch. This was certainly not owing to a con- 
sciousness of weakness, for the empire, over which 
he ruled with an absolute sway, was as rich in re- 
sources as it was vast in extent. Indeed, in the 
short space of 130 years, the existence which tra- 
dition assigned to the empire, it had arrived to a 
degree of grandeur and power which seemed in- 
compatible with so short a period. It had attain- 
ed the age of full virility, without passing the ne- 
cessary stages of slow infancy or progressive youth. 
The toil of centuries appeared to have been effect- 
ed by the will of sudden chance. The dominions 
of Montezuma extended above 500 leagues from 
east to west, and more than 200 from north to 
south. These vast territories contained provinces 
abounding in wealth, fertility, and population in 

* Gomara, Cron. 



82 LIFE OF 

accordance with their extent. Nothing, indeed, 
was wanting that could render Montezuma a great 
monarch, endeared in the eyes of his subjects, and 
a formidable foe to his enemies. The nation over 
which he ruled was warlike by nature ; the num- 
bers he could bring into the field immense, and his 
authority over such multitudes unbounded. Had 
he indeed, with these mighty resources, fallen on 
the Spaniards whilst they were yet without allies, 
destitute of provisions, and unacquainted with the 
country, " they must have either perished in such 
an unequal contest, or have abandoned the enter* 
prise."* 

Nor was Montezuma wanting either in abilities 
to plan, courage to undertake, or constancy to per- 
severe. He was largely endowed with those mar- 
tial qualities which stand paramount in the esteem 
of warlike nations; and he possessed a temper 
violent by nature — a will made despotic by habit 
and confidence, and rendered arrogant by success. 
He was respected by the vast mass of his subjects, 
and his enemies looked upon him with terror and 
alarm. His capacity for command had given him 
absolute sway over the former, and his victories 
had inspired the latter with a just dread of his 
arms. Yet this monarch, so haughty and so power- 
ful, who could bring multitudes into the field of 
battle, in which field, multitudes had been also dis- 
persed, routed, and subdued, seemed irresolute and 
doubtful at the approach of a handful of strangers. 
From the moment of their first appearance near 
his dominions, he had exhibited symptoms of in- 
decision and timidity strangely at variance with 

* Robertson. 



HERNAN CORTES, 83 

his real character. Far from adopting those vigo- 
rous measures which his conduct on former occa- 
sions would have led to expect, and far from show- 
ing that impatience of opposition which his station 
seemed to counsel, and his power to justify, he 
acted with that hesitation which obstructed his 
ulterior proceedings, and proved so fatal in the 
end. 

But the solution of this enigma in the conduct 
of Montezuma, is to be found in the influence of 
superstition. There was a prevalent opinion among 
the Mexicans, that awful disasters were to fall 
upon them by the agency of strange and powerful 
invaders. The supernatural fears by which the 
people were deluded, exercised the same lament- 
able power over the mind of their sovereign. An- 
cient traditions, fearful prophecies, and singular 
deductions, the legitimate offspring of the marvel- 
lous, towards which ignorance is so irresistibly im- 
pelled, were readily received and carefully cherish- 
ed by a ruler, who, however competent to govern 
a rude nation, was not endowed with that strength 
of intellect, nor possessed that state of civilisation, 
necessary to treat such chimeras with contempt. 
Instead, therefore, of following the bent of his im- 
petuous temper, he listened to the suggestions of 
his weak fancy ; and he lost that time in tempori- 
zing with his enemies which ought to have been 
employed in crushing their pretensions. 

The pertinacity of Cortes in adhering to his 
purpose seemed, however, to throw a decree of 
energy into the heart of Montezuma. He felt 
no less indignant at the presumption of tbe stran- 
gers, than at their temerity in provoking so power- 
ful a king in his own dominions. His stormy 

G 



84 LIFE OF 

passions were aroused, and in a transport of rage 
lie swore that he would sacrifice the Spaniards to 
the deities of the empire. This violent gust of 
jmssion, however, evaporated in idle noise. In- 
stead of collecting his forces, and marching in- 
stantly to meet the enemy, Montezuma contented 
himself with assembling his council, and asking 
their advice. His wavering doubts returned — his 
fears were rekindled — and his conduct partook of 
that fatal indecision which had marked his former 
operations. But the time for deliberation was 
past, and every moment spent in useless nego- 
tiation was an addition of strength afforded to the 
enemy. Montezuma, after the consultation, came 
to no more effectual resolution than that of issuing 
a most peremptory command to the Spaniards to 
quit his dominions. This order was rendered per- 
fectly nugatory by the magnificence of the pre- 
sents with which it was accompanied. A singular 
fatality prompted the Mexican emperor to perse- 
vere in sending to the Spaniards, as an inducement 
for their departure, that which was in reality the 
most powerful temptation for their stay. 

Such were the feeble measures by which the in- 
judicious Montezuma was paving the way to the 
daring attempts and the success of his enemies. 



HERNAN CORTES* 85 



CHAPTER VI. 



First Settlement of the Spaniards in New Spain. 

Whilst the Mexican monarch remained in 
this state of perplexity, Cortes himself was in a 
situation but little more to be envied. A spirit 
of disunion and discontent had begun to prevail 
amongst his followers, and this event threatened 
very serious results. Cortes was well aware of 
the difficulties of his position. Despite of his un- 
questionable talents, and impartial conduct on all 
occasions, and notwithstanding his reputation for 
courage, and the confidence which he had in- 
spired in his soldiers, he was fully sensible of the 
jealous eye with which he was regarded by the 
partisans of Velazquez. That governor had still 
a strong party to uphold his interests in the expe- 
dition, and the members by which it was composed 
failed not to avail themselves of eveiy opportu- 
nity to make known their ideas. All the vigi- 
lance and policy of Cortes had been called into 
action to palliate the dangers by which he felt 
himself surrounded. But though he had abun- 
dantly succeeded in making to himself a power- 
ful party of devoted adherents, he had not yet 
been able to remove the prejudices, or shake the 
fidelity, of many of his principal officers, These 



86 LIFE OF 

still persevered in considering their commander in 
no other light than the delegate of Velazquez, 
and the knowledge of such a conviction was to 
Cortes a source of much disquiet, and the theme 
of important speculation. From the very moment 
he had quitted Cuba, his enterprising mind had 
conceived the bold project of acting independent- 
ly of his employer. An ardent spirit, and a con- 
sciousness of genius, made him averse to act in a 
subordinate capacity to a man much his inferior, 
no less in abilities than in military endowments. 
Besides, he anticipated that the progress of the 
undertaking would continually be obstructed by 
the interference, as its success would be compro- 
mised by the jealousies, of the Governor. Under 
this impression, he felt the more inclined to fol- 
low the bent of his own inclination, and to effect 
so desirable a consummation had been the subject 
of his constant thoughts. 

Still the project was beset with difficulties, and 
he dared not, by a precipitate haste, destroy what 
he had already accomplished towards the task. 
His prudence and good fortune had already saved 
him twice from the jealous power of Velazquez ; 
but the dangers might be repeated, and in order 
to lessen these, he had sedulously employed his 
every endeavour to render himself popular amongst 
his followers. But notwithstanding all his efforts, 
his wishes were not crowned with complete suc- 
cess, for he had to look with a jealous eye on Ve- 
lazquez de Leon, Diego de Ordaz, and Escobar, 
who were not only themselves faithfully devoted 
to the Governor, but had succeeded in keeping the 
same sentiments alive in a considerable portion of 
the troops. An opportunity soon offered itself 



HEHNAN CORTES. 8*? 

for the malecontents to testify their disapprobation 
of their general's proceedings. They had already 
observed, that in the several orders issued by 
Cortes, as well as in the act of taking possession 
of Cozumel, the name of Velazquez had never 
been mentioned, but that things had always been 
carried on as if Cortes had received his power from 
the sovereign, and not from the Governor of Cuba. 
This want of regularity, bearing such strong marks 
of the commander's real intentions, had greatly 
offended Ordaz and his faction ; but now a fatal 
cause presented itself, to justify in some degree 
the murmurs of discontent. 

The soldiers were exposed to a combination of 
hardships and calamities that could not but excite 
the most impatient sensations in the minds of 
those who were already disposed to view a pro- 
spect through the medium of disaffection. The 
sandy spot where the camp was pitched lay ex- 
posed to the attacks of mosquitos, which came 
in swarms, and allowed the soldiers no moment 
of repose. Added to this, many had been attack- 
ed by diseases peculiar to the country, and others, 
but ill-recovered from their wounds, bore with 
displeasure any toilsome duty required of them. 
Besides, the expedition was suffering severely 
from the want of provisions. The bread was spoil- 
ed — the bacon and other articles rotten. The fear 
of famine haunted the imaginations of many — « 
the necessity of coming to some determination 
was evident to all. In this emergency, Cortes 
proposed to seize on the fortified town of Chia- 
huitzla ; which proposal drew forth the most vio- 
lent murmurs from the adherents of Velazquez, 
who contended it was an act of madaess to pro- 
g2 



88 LIFE Ol' 

ceed farther into the country with so incompetent 
a force — a force, too. weakened by fatigue and 
disease, and lessened by a considerable loss.* In 
this critical juncture, Teutchlile arrived with the 
ultimate and peremptory command of Montezu- 
ma, that the strangers should instantly leave the 
country. It was in vain that Cortes, with great- 
firmness, endeavoured to intimidate the messen- 
ger ; the Mexican treated his words with indiffer- 
ence, and departed from the camp in indignation. 
Every intercourse was now broken off between 
the natives and the Spaniards ; the last act amount- 
ed to a declaration of war, and Cortes accordingly 
prepared his mind for a commencement of hosti- 
lities. This event; though perfectly natural in it- 
self, produced more than ordinary sensation 
amongst the Spaniards. It was now that the fac- 
tion opposed to Cortes began to express their sen- 
timents in the most unequivocal manner. They 
no longer limited themselves to the hollow mur- 
murs of complaint, or the clandestine workings of 
intrigue, but commissioned Diego de Ordaz, the 
leader of the faction, to represent to the general the 
madness of remaining in the land, and their resolu- 
tion of returning to Cuba. Cortes received this in- 
timation with perfect coolness and composure. 
Though the danger that threatened the demolition 
of his fondest hopes was so imminent, and though 
he was fully alive to the difficulties of his situation, 
he yet suffered not his self-possession to be surpri- 
sed for a single moment. He had already prepared 
for this perilous contingency. In the science of 
intrigue cultivated by Ordaz, the partisans of Cor- 

• B. Diaz, 



HERNAN CORTES. 89 

tes had made no trivial progress. Portocarrero, 
Sandoval, Alvarado, Escalante, Olid, Lugo, and 
Bernal Diaz, were bound to their commander by 
the closest ties, not only of fidelity, but of friend- 
ship. In upholding the cause of their general, 
they warmly advocated the interest of their friend. 
Cortes, by his affability, generosity, and winning 
manners, had so entirely ingratiated himself into 
the devotion of these officers, that they were not 
only ready to support all his pretensions, but toil- 
ed incessantly to infuse the" same spirit into the 
mass of the soldiers. Several clandestine meei&igs 
had been held for the purpose of investi g Cortes 
with a command in the expedition independent of 
Velazquez, and the above-mentioned partisans had 
even gone round the camp to canvass the votes of 
the soldiers in favour of this scheme.* 

Hernan Cortes displayed throughout this affair 
a refinement of policy worthy of admiration. He 
listened with mildness to the arrogant language 
of Ordaz and his companions, and then, affecting 
to be governed only by a desire for the general 
good, issued orders that the troops should prepare 
for their return to Cuba. At this moment, what 
he had anticipated punctually took place. His 
adherents began fiercely to protest against such a 
resolution, declaring that they had been beguiled 
from their ease and comfort to try new fortunes — 
that they had exhausted all their stock — and that 
it was the height of folly and injustice to retrace 
their steps merely because some of the party had 
neither the fortitude to endure hardship, nor the 
courage to tempt danger. They ended by loudly 

* B. Diaz. 



90 LIFE OF 

calling upon Cortes to lead them on to conquest, 
for tbey would faithfully adhere to his fortunes ; 
and they invited, in a taunting manner, such as 
were not endowed with sufficient heart for the 
enterprise, to return to the Governor at Cuba. 

Cortes, inwardly rejoicing at this expression of 
sentiments in unison with his own, affected yet to 
be astonished at a declaration which he had him- 
self assiduously laboured to bring into maturity 
He declared, that in all his operations he had the 
common weal constantly in view, and that, if he 
had given orders for the re-embarkation of the 
army, it 1 had been in the firm belief that such was 
the general desire. That to this conviction he had 
readily sacrificed his own inclination, which prompt- 
ed him to persevere in the glorious though difficult 
path into which he had boldly entered. He was, 
however, delighted to perceive, that his followers 
were animated by the sentiments of true Spaniards, 
and that he would, by his own conduct, show 
himself worthy of leading such gallant men to 
victory. These words produced a magic effect 
on the army ; for they tended not only to confirm 
the adherents of Cortes in their designs, but to 
convert the adverse party, through the dread of 
being considered deficient in courage and resolu- 
tion.* 

Cortes now conceived it would be advantageous 
to his plans to begin a settlement in the country. 
This infant colony was called by the name of Villa 
Mica de la Vera Cruz,\ to correspond at once with 
the sanguine hopes and the piety of the conquerors, 
the day in which they set foot on land being Good 

* Herrera, Dec. 

t The Rich Town of the True Cross. 



/ 

HERNAN COHTES. 91 

Friday. The foundation of this town was cele- 
brated with due solemnity; and Cortes, following 
up the plans which he had already arranged in his 
mind, proceeded to the installation of authorities 
to govern the new settlement. He had assem- 
bled his principal officers in order to make the 
election of these magistrates ; yet he had so skil- 
fully prepared the matter, that the choice fell up- 
on his most devoted partisans. Portocarrero, 
Alvarado, and Olid, who had always been conspi- 
cuous for their adherence to their genera 1 , were the 
persons who held the principal posts in this Junta. 
It is not surprising, therefore, that Cortes should 
be elated at the command of so powerful an in- 
strument ; nor that, secure of the devotion of his 
officers to his interest, he should have ventured 
upon a step which, at the first view, would ap- 
pear a hazardous experiment. Such was the re- 
solution which he now took, of laying down his 
commission at the foot of the recently constituted 
authorities. 

This measure, though in appearance of little 
importance, was nevertheless one of the most pro- 
found and timely adopted by the genius of Cortes. 
He knew the precarious tenure by which he held 
his power, and he was aware, that the form of 
justice was always respected by man, however 
indifferent he might prove to the substance. In 
the formation of the government of Villa Rica, he 
found what was necessary for his plans. Though 
that Junta was illegal, formed as it was by consti- 
tuents who had not the right of election, and though, 
consequently, the power which it might bestow 
was illegitimate and usurped, yet Cortes, who 
aimed only to dazzle, not to argue with his sol- 



92 LIFE OF 

diers, considered a decision from that body fully 
sufficient for his views. He accordingly? with 
signs of profound deference, entered the council 
the day of its first deliberation, and addressed that 
body in an eloquent and flattering harangue pre- 
pared for the occasion. He began by paying the 
deepest tokens of submission, and admitting the 
legality of that authority which it was the first 
interest of the settlement to establish. He de« 
clared that he considered their jurisdiction over the 
colony tu be arrayed in all the sacred attributes 
which could be conferred by royalty itself, and 
that their power to execute was as unimpeachable 
as their right to legislate. Under this impression, 
he came to lay down a command which he had 
received from Velazquez, but which, on account 
of the important change which had now taken 
place, he could no longer hold with a feeling of 
justice or propriety. Besides, his commission ha- 
ving already been revoked by the Governor, he 
was now placed in a situation which rendered his 
jurisdiction questionable to the meanest capacity. 
Should he lead an army acting under this per- 
suasion, he could neither command with free- 
dom, nor the soldiers obey with satisfaction. He 
therefore laid down the rank which he enjoyed, 
and would be ready to descend to the station of a 
soldier. His resignation was accepted, and he 
withdrew from the council. 

Cortes was not long in perceiving the favourable 
results of his intrigues. The Junta came to an 
unanimous determination not only of investing him 
with the supreme power over the army, but even 
of electing him to the first civil capacity in the 
colony. He thus combined the functions of gene* 



HERNAN CORTES. 93 

ral and magistrate, and was clothed with absolute 
sway over the expedition. That this resolution 
might not bear the aspect of a secret cabal, the 
members of the Junta assembled the army, and 
proceeded to acquaint them with the transaction, 
The task, however, was opened with those preli- 
minaries which were certain to captivate the atten- 
tion, as well as win the concurrence, of the sol- 
diers. The military talents of Cortes were strong- 
ly dwelt upon, and his impartiality and love to his 
followers described in the most seductive colours. 
Mention was made of the success which had 
hitherto attended his actions, and the most flatter- 
ing auguries were formed of his future career. 
The eulogium of Cortes, and his nomination to 
supreme command, were greeted by his followers 
with enthusiastic shouts of approbation. They 
joyfully assented to the decree of the Junta, and 
proffered a sacred oath of faithful adherence to 
their general. Cortes saw his schemes crowned 
with success, and congratulated himself on having 
thus become free from the shackles which former- 
ly impeded his operations. He was now inde- 
pendent of the Governor, by the decree of a council, 
and by the acclamations of an army, which would 
always support his claims with ardent zeal. He 
knew how eminently conducive this devotion and 
dependence on his will would be to the success of 
his undertakings. 

But affairs had now arrived at a posture which 
could not but excite the indignation and resent- 
ment of the disaffected. Though the number of 
these was considerably diminished, the adherents 
of Velazquez still persisted in forming themselves 
into a body of opposition. The ringleaders of the 



94 LIFE OF 

faction began loudly to protest both against the 
decrees of the Junta and the sanction of the army. 
These acts were qualified as being treasonable, 
illegal, and rebellious, and a fatal spirit of ferment- 
ation circulated through the settlement. Cortes 
and his partisans were on the alert. Their atten- 
tion was principally directed to the soldiers, who, 
partly by timely gifts, partly by hopes of future 
prosperity, together with the conviction that the 
great majority had declared for Cortes, and would 
at any risk support his claims, operated so effect- 
ually on their minds, that they soon joined their 
approbation to that of the rest of the army. But 
Diego de Ordaz, Velazquez de Leon, Escobar, 
Escudero, and a few others, far from being inti- 
midated by the almost total defection of their 
party, expressed their sentiments with greater 
warmth than ever. Cortes now saw the urgency 
of putting an end to the mutiny, and, with a 
promptness of decision suitable to the occasion, he 
seized suddenly on the malecontents, and secured 
them with fetters. This vigorous measure imme- 
diately quelled the sedition ; nor was it necessary 
to continue its severity much longer. Cortes, in 
a few days, set his prisoners at liberty, and con- 
ducted himself towards them with such soldierly 
frankness and cordiality, offering to send them 
back to Cuba, that they were at length won over 
to his cause, and ever after proved most devoted 
to his interests.* 

Meantime the want of provisions induced Cortes 
to send Alvarado with a hundred men to search 
the country in quest of such an indispensable 

* B. Diaz ; Gpmara, Cron. 



HERNAN CORTES. 95 

article ; who returned in a short time, after ha- 
ving visited a few villages, in which he found 
great abundance. The inhabitants, however, had 
fled at the approach of the Spaniards, and, upon 
their arrival at the first of these places, they were 
filled with horror and disgust. They found in a 
temple the bleeding bodies of several men and boys, 
who, it would appear, had been recently sacrificed, 
for they perceived the knife with which the dread- 
ful ceremony had been performed still reeking and 
warm with blood.* Cortes immediately determined 
to advance into the country? as nothing now could 
obstruct his operations. With an army small in 
number, but endowed with courage, enterprising, 
and faithfully devoted, he feared not to penetrate 
into a land which, though redoubtable in power, 
was so alluring for its wealth ; and a fortunate 
and unexpected event confirmed the chief in his 
bold resolution. Alvarado, in one of his excur- 
sions, had met a party of Indians loaded with pro- 
visions, and approaching the Spanish camp with 
symptoms of great cordiality. These natives were 
introduced to Cortes, and declared themselves to 
be messengers from the Cazique of Cbempoalla. 
That chief invited the Spaniards to his residence, 
and accompanied the invitation with warm offers 
of friendship and regard. 

There was something mysterious in this busi- 
ness, which required careful investigation as to the 
real motives from which it had originated. Some 
treason, and well-concerted plot, might be conceal- 
ed under the mantle of professed attachment. The 
town of Chempoalla was, according to the account 

• B. Diaz. 
H 



96 LIFE OF 

of the messengers, one both of considerable im- 
portance and extensive population. It would not 
be advisable, therefore, to venture rashly into its 
precincts without taking necessary precautions ; 
for though Cortes was confident as to the bravery 
of his troops, no less than he was sanguine with 
respect to success, he felt averse idly to endanger 
the life of a single one of his followers. Should 
treachery be contemplated, the massacre of the 
Chempoallans would not indemnify him for the 
loss, however trifling, which he might incur in his 
own men. Each one of these he considered as a 
host in the expedition ; and as, for the present, he 
had no prospect of augmenting the number of his 
soldiers, he was compelled to be watchful of the 
safety of that slender troop with which he ventured 
upon the conquest of vast and mighty regions. He 
therefore put those artful questions to the messengers 
which might lead to an elucidation of the truth ; 
and to his great joy he discovered that the Cazique 
of Chempoalla, though feudatory to the Mexican 
empire, was impatient of its control, and ardently 
wished to establish his independence. He both 
hated and dreaded Montezuma, and a prospect of 
becoming free from his yoke could not but be 
highly acceptable to the chief. Such a discovery 
was most gratifying to Cortes, for it afforded a 
proof of disunion in the country, which he would 
render subservient to his designs. With this 
pleasing thought he kindly dismissed the Chem- 
poallans, charging them to thank their master for 
his friendly disposition, and promising an early 
visit to their town. 



HERNAN CORTES. 97 



CHAPTER VII. 



Submission and Alliance of the Natives of Chem- 
poalla and other Tribes, 

Francisco de Montejo had been commis- 
sioned to survey the coast, and select a convenient 
situation for the purpose of fixing the Spanish co- 
lony, the present settlement being disadvantageous 
in every point of view. Montejo returned from 
his excursion at the end of twelve days, and in- 
formed Cortes of the discovery of a village called 
Quiabislan, or Chiatzhintzla, which possessed a 
commodious harbour, and was besides remarkable 
for the fertility of its soil. Thither the Spanish 
commander resolved to remove his quarters ; but, 
mindful of the promise made to the Chempoallans, 
he now hastened to put it into execution, which he 
did the more joyfully as the step did not interfere 
with his plan of march, the town of Chempoalla 
lying in his way. Upon the arrival of the Spa- 
niards at this place, their surprise was greatly 
excited at the air of comfort and even luxury which 
pervaded its streets and spacious habitations, no 
less than at the beauty of several avenues of trees 
in its vicinity. The meeting between Cortes and 
the Cazique was very cordial. The Cazique came 
in advance attended by his principal officers, all 



98 LIFE OF 

dressed in rich mantles of fine cotton, and orna- 
mented with gold. Cortes received him with 
much ceremony, and embraced him in token of 
regard. In the solicitude which the Indian show- 
ed to conciliate the friendship of the Spanish com- 
mander, the latter, with inward pleasure, discover- 
ed that he was in need of his protection. The spe- 
culating mind of Cortes soon perceived the im- 
mense advantage which would accrue to his enter- 
prise, by having it in his power to bind this man to 
his cause by the strong ties of private interest. The 
Cazique gave him a vivid, a lamentable account of 
the tyranny and despotic exactions of Montezuma. 
He vented many bitter complaints against his op- 
pression, and expressed his joy at the prospect of a 
deliverance by the aid of the Spaniards. Cortes 
saw the policy of indulging the hopes of his new 
friends ; their assistance was to him a matter of 
importance, as, in this alliance, the reciprocity of 
services would, in the end, greatly preponderate 
in furthering his success ; but yet he appeared will- 
ing to grant as a favour, what was in reality a mea- 
sure of necessity. 

Accordingly, he immediately assumed the atti- 
tude and tone of a protector, and with much con- 
descension let the Cazique know, that the prin- 
cipal motive for his sovereign's sending him to 
such remote countries, was to protect the weak, 
and free the injured from oppression. He further 
promised to take measures in due time, to redress 
those wrongs of which he so deeply complained ;* 
and as nothing now required a longer stay, Cortes 
proceeded in his march to Quiabislan. He found 

*B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 99 

the spot selected by Montejo to be well deser- 
ving of the praises bestowed upon it, and he 
forthwith began to trace out the ground for the 
settlement of the colony. Cortes himself gave an 
example of industry, by carrying the materials, and 
digging the foundations. His officers followed 
his example with alacrity ; every one contributed 
to the work, and as they were further aided by 
their Indian allies, in a short time the infant town 
rose in a state not only to offer shelter, but even 
defence from hostile attacks. During these trans- 
actions, Cortes was visited by the Caziques of 
Chempoalla and Quiabislan, who neglected no op- 
portunity of describing the horrid acts of tyranny 
committed by Montezuma, especially in the territo- 
ries of the Totonacas, where a great number of the 
men had been sacrificed to his cruelty, and of the 
women to his lust. In one of these interviews, it 
was announced that five Mexican collectors had 
arrived to exact the usual tribute. These officers 
appeared in great ceremonial, and, without be- 
stowing the least notice on Cortes, sent a haugh- 
ty summons to the Caziques, whom they harshly 
reprimanded for their neglect of duty in having 
befriended the strangers in direct violation of the 
Emperor's commands. Then, after threatening 
the offenders with their master's indignation, they 
made a formal demand of twenty men and women 
of their tribes, to be offered as an expiatory sacri- 
fice for the guilt of the Caziques. 

The consternation of the Indian chiefs at this 
exaction was shown in the most lively manner, yet 
they scarcely durst disobey the orders of a mo- 
narch, the mention of whose name filled them with 
alarm. , Cortes, perceiving their pusillanimity, and, 
. l.o\ C, J H 2 



100 LIFE OF 

on the other hand, well aware that they would he 
overjoyed to see a catastrophe averted, which they 
themselves had not the courage to prevent, order- 
ed his own men to arrest the collectors, and issu- 
ed a proclamation, that no tribute should in future 
be paid to Montezuma, This vigorous measure 
aroused the energy of the Caziques, and, as it is 
natural in rude and weak minds, they suddenly 
passed from one extreme to the other. Those 
very men who, a short time before, shuddered at 
the idea of openly opposing the commands of their 
master, were now emboldened to lay violent hands 
on the very persons intrusted with the execution 
of them. The boundaries of awe once broken, 
those who have been most timorous and oppressed, 
are the foremost in indulging a spirit of defiance 
and revenge. In this ebullition of rage, the Ca- 
ziques now seriously resolved to sacrifice the col- 
lectors to the gods ; and indeed this horrid doom 
would have been inflicted, had not Cortes inter- 
posed a timely prevention. He caused the intend- 
ed victims to be placed under the safeguard of his 
own soldiers ; and in order to impress those simple 
beings with an opinion of his benevolence, he even 
facilitated the escape of two. On the other hand, 
his temerity in thus defying the vengeance of so 
great a monarch as Montezuma, made the natives 
to consider the Spaniards as teules, a title which 
they bestowed on their idols. The Caziques of 
Chempoalla and Quiabislan had now compromised 
themselves beyond the power of retreat. They 
were fully sensible that they had incurred, by their 
conduct, the vengeance of their master, and their 
uneasiness grew in proportion to their knowledge 
of that monarch's disposition. Overawed by the 



HERNAN CORTES. 101 

prospect of his resentment, they now turned to 
Cortes for protection and advice. They repre- 
sented Montezuma as ready to overwhelm them 
with his numerous armies as soon as he should re- 
ceive intelligence of the treatment of his officers. 
Cortes endeavoured to calm their fears by pro- 
mising his assistance ; and the Caziques, in return, 
obliged themselves to support the Spaniards ; and, 
to make this union more binding on both sides, 
they swore allegiance to the Spanish king, and 
declared themselves the subjects of his crown. A 
formal document was then drawn up by the royal 
notary of the expedition, and a solemn proclama- 
tion of this change made throughout the province. 
The Totonacas, who had been the most cruelly 
used by Montezuma, and whose fierce spirit 
smarted under the yoke, and thirsted for revenge, 
rendered themselves most conspicuous in this re- 
bellion. The three tribes, with one accord, de- 
clared their readiness to accompany Cortes in his 
expedition.* 

The first enterprise in which the Spaniards acted 
in conjunction with their new allies and fellow-sub- 
jects was against the people of Cincapacinga. The 
Cazique of Chempoalla having bitterly complained 
of certain outrages committed by the Mexican gar- 
risonin thatplace, Cortes marched against the town, 
accompanied by a troop of a thousand Indians. 
At his approach, however, eight of the principal 
men came, with tears in their eyes, to deprecate 
the wrath of the Spanish chief, alleging that the 
enmity of the Chempoallans arose from an an- 
cient dispute concerning the boundaries of their 

* B. Diaz ; Herrera, Dec. 



102 LIFE OF 

respective dominions. Cortes behaved on this oc- 
casion with his usual policy. It was his para- 
mount interest to increase the number of his friends 
amongst the natives; and he therefore, instead 
of encouraging the vindictive disposition of the 
Chempoailans, or countenancing their tendency 
to plunder, ordered that the property of the in- 
habitants should be respected, and induced their 
Cazique and that of Chempoalla to be reconciled 
in his presence. This conduct of the Spanish ge- 
neral effectually won the people he had thus pro- 
tected. Indeed, Cortes showed uniformly an ad- 
mirable skill in conciliating the affections both of 
his soldiers and the natives with whom he came 
in contact. His vigilance in protecting his In- 
dian allies from the depredations of his own fol- 
lowers was praiseworthy. The plunder of any 
object, however insignificant its value, was sure 
to be visited with severity on the offender. On 
one occasion, the theft of some fowls, in a peace- 
able territory, so far incensed him, that he senten- 
ced the culprit to be hanged ; and the soldier would 
have lost his life, but for the timely interposition of 
Alvarado.* By such acts of impartial justice, add* 
ed to that conciliatory manner with which he was 
endowed by nature — by his well-ordered liberality 
and seasonable severity, it is not surprising that 
Cortes should, in a short time, gain both the re- 
spect and attachment of the Indians. 

But his influence over his soldiers was still 
more extensive. Though strict on certain occasions, 
Cortes did not excite the murmurs of the Spa- 
niards, who, in his justice to the natives^ saw a 

* B. Diaz* 



HEENAN CORTES. 103 

striking security of his impartiality towards them- 
selves. Nay, they had already seen strong proofs 
of his disinterestedness and liberality ; for however 
he might secretly love wealth, he had the good 
sense to conceal such a sentiment from his follow- 
ers. Though he sedulously endeavoured to in- 
flame the avaricious cravings of the troops, he took 
care to appear himself exempt from those desires. 
His words and general conduct bespoke a soul 
inspired with the thoughts of more honourable 
pursuits ; and in the dazzling blaze of glory, he 
seemed to lose the sight of any less brilliant ambi- 
tion. Nor were these exalted considerations desti- 
tute of sincerity. Though the thirst of wealth was 
one of the principal motives that encouraged the 
Spaniards to suffer so many hardships, and under- 
go so many dangers, it is probable that such a 
passion acted on the mind of their commander in 
a more subordinate degree. Cortes had a soul 
capable of more elevated sentiments, and grasping 
at higher prizes. The greatness of his undertaking 
completely absorbed his capacious mind — the glory 
in which it came arrayed fired his ardent imagi- 
nation, and the power it w r ould bestow flattered 
his noble ambition. 

The soldiers were easily induced to follow, 
obey, and love such a commander ; a commander 
whose superiority over them was only discernible 
in the larger share he took in dangers and priva- 
tions. Cortes w r as the first in battle, the last in 
providing for his comfort. His abilities w r ere not 
only called to plan, but his physical powers were 
summoned to execute and endure. Hence he 
did not disdain the most humble labours, but lent 
himself to every toil with ready alacrity, in con- 



101 LIFE OF 

junction with the meanest of his soldiers. Thus 
he daily drew closer the ties that bound him to his 
army, at the same time that he was adding to his 
strength by his conduct towards the natives. But 
the friendly disposition of the Indians, which had 
been hitherto preserved, was now threatened with 
serious interruption. The vast and lucid mind of 
Cortes did not exempt its possessor from a tincture 
of indiscriminate zeal in the affairs of religion. 
He saw with horror the human sacrifices practised 
in those regions^ and formed the laudable desire of 
checking such abominations. He considered him- 
self not only in the light of a conqueror, but in that 
also of a reformer and legislator. His intentions 
were pure, but the means by which he thought to 
cany them into effect were injudicious and im- 
prudent. He employed force where he ought to 
have used conviction, and attacked the religious 
prejudices of the natives before they were in a 
state to comprehend the sublime tenets of Christ- 
ianity. 

Cortes had invited the Chempoailans to abjure 
their gross and sanguinary idolatry. The priests 
were naturally shocked at such a proposition, and 
used their best endeavours to arouse the people 
to oppose it. This resistance enraged the Spanish 
chief, who, in a burst of intemperate zeal, ordered 
his soldiers to arms, while he himself, at the head 
of fifty men, prepared to invade the temple. The 
Indian warriors seized their weapons, whilst the 
Cazique, divided between his regard for his allies 
and his horror at the deed they were premeditating, 
expostulated with Cortes to desist from his inten- 
tion. But his remonstrances were vain; the Spa- 
niards ascended the steps of the temple, and as 



HERNAN CORTES. 3 05 

they perceived the armed Indians ready to oppose 
them, they seized on the Cazique, and the princi- 
pal chiefs, and priests, declaring they would put 
them to death, should any resistance be made to 
their intent. This threat produced the desired 
effect, — the warriors abandoned all thoughts of 
opposition, and their idols were hurled from the 
altars and broken into pieces, amid the tears and 
groans of the spectators. Cortes then commanded 
that the fragments should be burnt. Upon this 
the priests came forward dressed in their long black 
mantles, their hair, clotted with blood, reaching to 
the ground; their ears torn and cut, and bearing all 
the tokens of the cruel and lugubrious functions to 
which they were dedicated. They then collected 
the fragments of their gods, and consumed them 
in that temple where they had recently been wor- 
shipped. The place was next washed and purified 
The holy cross was planted on the altar where 
lately the idol stood ; and mass was solemnly cele- 
brated by Father Bartholomew de Olmedo.* 

The Spaniards had already spent three months 
in New Spain, and many of the warriors began to 
evince symptoms of impatience for martial achieve 
ments. The works at Villa Rica had been nearly 
brought to a conclusion, and officers and soldiers 
proposed eagerly to their general to lead them in- 
stantly to Mexico. Cortes was as ardent as any of 
his followers to pursue the enterprise ; yet, like a 
sagacious commander, far from compromising suc- 
cess by premature haste or unbridled impetuosity, 
he had judiciously employed his time in paving the 
way to fortunate and permanent results. But not- 

* B. Diaz. 



106 LIFE OF 

withstanding the favourable issue which had hi- 
therto attended his transactions, there was still a 
thought that clouded his mind, and seemed in a 
degree to disconcert his plans of operation. The 
image of Velazquez stood constantly before his 
sight. He was therefore desirous, before he enter- 
ed into a career of war against the Mexicans, to 
provide for any danger from the Governor of Cuba. 
For this purpose, he was anxious that his expedi- 
tion should proceed under a royal sanction. These 
ideas he communicated to his principal adherents ; 
and after a short consultation, it was resolved, 
that an embassy should be sent to Spain, in order 
to justify any irregularity in the conduct of Cortes, 
as well as to give an account of his proceedings, 
and future plans of operation. But in order to 
soften the first, and win the approbation of Don 
Carlos to the latter, it was further determined to 
send a present to the Emperor of all the treasure 
which had hitherto been collected. Ordaz and 
Montejo were employed in canvassing the appro- 
bation of the soldiers to this measure^ Cortes him- 
self judiciously abstaining from a task in which it 
would appear that his own interest was principally 
concerned. 

The project of despoiling a body of needy ad- 
venturers of the first-fruits of their labours, and 
that, too, that they might be transmitted to a sove- 
reign from whom they had neither received any 
assistance, nor expected any reward, was one, in- 
deed, which, in the eyes of common reason, would 
bear the stamp of folly ; yet, singular to state, that 
spirit of romance which characterised the whole 
conquest of Mexico, was in this proceeding most 
strikingly displayed. The soldiers generously con- 



HERNAN CORTES. 10? 

curred with the wishes of their chief, soothing their 
present sacrifice with the splendour of future hopes ; 
and every one gave up his claims, not only with- 
out a murmur, but with joy, when it was stated that 
such a step was conducive to the public good. The 
Junta of Villa Rica addressed a letter to the Em- 
peror to justify themselves for acting independent 
of Velazquez, as well as for the nomination of 
Cortes to the supreme command. In this letter, 
nothing was omitted which could tend to advance 
the cause of the writers in the Spanish court, 
A warm encomium was passed on the merits of 
Cortes, and a pompous description made of the 
conquests they were to achieve under his guidance, 
The extent of the country — its vast population — 
its climate — -the fertility of the soil — the richness 
of the productions — every thing was mentioned in 
terms of admiration. The letter ended by ear-* 
nestly supplicating the sovereign to confirm the 
nomination of Cortes ; and that no requisite might 
be wanting to the document, it was corroborated 
with the signatures, not only of the Junta, and all 
the officers, but even with those of many soldiers. 
Cortes himself penned also a dispatch, giving a 
minute account of his proceedings, and artfully 
placing them in the most favourable light. He 
described the country in the same emphatic strain 
with his friends, and spoke of its reduction in terms 
of perfect confidence. Portocarrero, a zealous 
friend of Cortes, and Montejo, who had been gain- 
ed by that chiefs liberality,* were intrusted with 
the discharge of this important mission ; which had 
injunctions not to touch at Cuba in their voyage 
to Spain, under any consideration^ 

• B. Diaz. + B. Diaz ; Gomara, Cron. 



108 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER VIII. 



Cortes destroys his Fleet, and resumes his March, 

Whilst Cortes was thus providing for his fu- 
ture security, this was imminently threatened in a 
manner totally unexpected. A plot was formed 
by some soldiers and sailors, to seize upon one of 
the vessels and sail instantly for Cuba, with the 
intention of informing Velazquez of the transac- 
tions at Villa Rica, and thus enabling him to in- 
tercept Portocarrero in his passage to Spain. This 
conspiracy was so artfully planned, and so reli- 
giouslykept secret, that its discovery was only made 
a few hours before it was to have been executed, 
Coria, one of the conspirators, was proceeding to 
embark, when, either alarmed at the idea of detec- 
tion, or repenting his treachery, he suddenly turned 
short, and hastened to acquaint Cortes with the 
premeditated flight. Not a minute was lost in 
providing a remedy for the evil. Cortes, with the 
utmost vigilance and secrecy, surprised the con- 
spirators, all assembled in the vessel, and ready for 
departure. The unexpected appearance of the 
commander intimidated the traitors, and they nei- 
ther attempted to deny nor to exculpate their 
crime. Cortes had the culprits seized and tried 
without loss of time ; and as their offence admit- 



HERNAN CORTES. 109 

ted of no doubt, the punishment followed close 
upon the discovery. Escudero and Centeno, the 
principal promoters of the scheme, were imme- 
diately put to death. Umbria, a pilot, had one 
of his feet cut off, and a couple of sailors received 
two hundred lashes. The rest were pardoned by 
Cortes, whose policy counselled him to be as eco- 
nomical as possible of the lives of his men.* He 
was easily induced to admit the plea of example 
and bribery as sufficient to excuse their offence. 
And thus, by a mixture of severity and benevo- 
lence, he thought to keep the unruly in due sub- 
jection. 

But this event was to Cortes a source of deep 
disquietude. It gave him a convincing proof that 
the flame of disaffection was not completely ex- 
tinguished amongst his followers. Secret machi- 
nations were still carried on, which, though not 
sufficient in strength to overturn the power of 
Cortes, might greatly contribute to weaken his re- 
sources. His prudence and vigilance, added to 
the kind influence of fortune, had, until now, suc- 
cessfully extricated him from the danger of do- 
mestic intrigue, no less than from the aggression 
of the enemy. Yet it would but ill accord with 
the profound sagacity which marked the charac- 
ter of the Spanish commander, to rely implicitly 
either on his abilities or his fortune. The very 
suspicion of domestic treachery, however remote 
or inefficient, is a source of greater anxiety to a 
general than the most vigorous preparations from 
the open foe. The adherents of Velazquez, though 
now extremely limited in their number, had not 

* B. Diaz. 



110 LIFE OF 

lost every hope of executing their primary designs. 
Attempts would be renewed, which, though they 
might not prove successful, would still add to the 
difficulties, and weaken the efforts, of the expedi- 
tion. It was incumbent on Cortes, therefore, to 
devise some plan to prevent so disastrous a cala- 
mity. 

After the most profound reflection, the General 
perceived, that the only efficient method of avoid« 
ing any recurrence of the same offence, was to be- 
reave his men, not only of the hopes, but even of 
the means, of returning to Cuba. His soldiers 
were inflamed with an unusual ardour for conquest. 
Any project, however wild, which he might pro- 
pose, would neither excite their surprise, nor inti- 
midate their courage. To conquer or to die, was 
a device which they would readily assume. On 
the other hand, those few of his followers who 
could not be governed by the same generous ideas, 
he thought to rule by the stern command of neces- 
sity. It was under this impression, that Cortes 
now conceived one of the boldest and most extra- 
ordinary projects that ever entered the mind of 
man, however daring his heart, or imminent his 
danger. Such was the resolution of destroying 
the fleet, and thereby cutting off every means of 
retreat. He was the more confirmed in this idea, 
by the conviction, that by carrying it into effect, 
he would considerably increase the numbers of his 
forces. The addition of the hundred sailors, and 
other men employed in the vessels, to the regular 
army, was an accession of strength which, how- 
ever inconsiderable in the present day, was then 
to be esteemed of most material consequence. 

From the moment this great thought dawned 



HERNAN CORTES. I 1 1 

upon his mind, Cortes felt eager for its execution ; 
yet, with his accustomed policy, he was desirous 
that so extraordinary a measure should proceed 
rather from the spontaneous concurrence of his 
men, than from the exercise of his own individual 
authority. He secretly communicated his design 
to his friends, who, readily joining in his views, 
now exerted themselves to infuse the same senti- 
ments into the hearts of the Spaniards. The sail- 
ors were gained over, partly by liberal gifts, and 
partly by more splendid promises, to declare aloud, 
that the vessels were in so deplorable a situation 
as to be almost useless,* whilst many of the sol- 
diers were industriously made to reflect how con- 
siderable a reinforcement they would obtain, if a 
hundred men, now lying idle in the fleet, were 
added to the army. The scheme was crowned 
with the desired success. Escalante, one of the 
most devoted partisans of Cortes, proceeded to 
dismantle the ships, which being stripped of their 
rigging, and every article of utility, were next de- 
stroyed and sunk, with the exception of the skiffs, 
which were reserved for the purposes of fishing, f 
" Thus," says Robertson, " from an effort of mag- 
nanimity, to which there is nothing parallel in his- 
tory, five hundred men voluntarily consented to 
be shut up in a hostile country, filled with power- 
ful and unknown nations; and, having precluded 
every means of escape, left themselves without 
any resource but their own valour and perseve- 
rance." 

As nothing now detained Cortes at Vera Cruz, 

* B. Diaz ; Solis. 

f Cortes, Relat. ; B. Diaz : Herrera ; Solis, 

I 2 



112 LIFE OF 

lie resolved to indulge his ardent spirit, as well 
as the wishes of his troops, and commence his 
march towards Mexico. He assembled his forces 
at Chempoalla, and after mass, he made a stirring 
speech to his army, on the subject of the heroic 
enterprise in which they were about to embark. 
His strength consisted of five hundred infantry, 
fifteen horsemen, and six pieces of artillery. To 
this slender body were added two hundred Indians, 
of an inferior caste, called Tamenes, and whose 
functions were to supply the deficiency of beasts of 
burden. The Cazique of Chempoalla also offered 
a considerable number of his own troops, from 
which Cortes selected four hundred men, as well 
as forty or fifty persons of distinction, who, though 
ostensibly treated as friendly allies, the Spanish 
commander inwardly considered in the light of 
hostages for the good behaviour of their master.* 
The Cazique of Chempoalla, as well as the other 
chiefs, he strongly recommended to lend all their 
aid and assistance to a detachment of Spaniards, 
whom he had left as a garrison at Villa Rica, under 
the command of Escalante. 

Hernan Cortes was now on the point of commen- 
cing his march, when he received dispatches from 
his lieutenant at Villa Rica, informing him, that 
a vessel was seen cruizing near the coast. Such 
intelligence was too important to be neglected by 
Cortes. His active mind instantly conceived that 
this ship might belong to some armament sent out 
against him by Velazquez; and accordingly, with- 
out loss of time, intrusting the command of the 
army to Alvarado and Sandoval, he set out for 

* Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 113 

Villa Rica, attended by a small party of horse. 
Cortes, on his arrival, perceived the vessel at some 
distance from the shore ; but as he proceeded on- 
wards, he discovered in his way four Spaniards, 
who were making towards him, as if wishing for 
an interview. These men, it appeared, had been 
sent on shore by Alonso de Pineda, the captain of 
the vessel, for the purpose of taking solemn pos- 
session of the country. One of the Spaniards was 
a notary, the other three were to serve as wit- 
nesses in an injunction, which the former was to 
make to Cortes in the name of his captain. In 
the discharge of his commission, the legal officer 
presented a document to the Spanish general, pur- 
porting, that by virtue of a royal commission, Fran- 
cisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, was em- 
powered to hold jurisdiction over such districts as 
he might discover on the coast to the north of the 
river of St Peter and St Paul. To this effect Ga- 
ray had sent three ships, containing two hundred 
and seventy soldiers, under the command of Pi- 
neda, who was at present in the river of Panuco.* 
The notary then proceeded, in no measured 
terms, to charge Cortes not to approach the ju- 
risdiction of Garay. The Spanish commander 
desired to enter into negotiation with the chief of 
this expedition, observing, that they were both 
subjects of the same crown, and toiling for the 
glory of the same country. But these friendly 
overtures being treated with unbecoming disre- 
spect by the notary, Cortes ordered him and his 
attendants to be arrested. He then concealed 
himself with his men behind a sand-hill, in which 

* B. Diaz. 



114 LIFE OF 

these coasts abounded, where lie passed the night, 
in the expectation that the soldiers of Garay might 
be induced to come ashore, and enquire after their 
companions, when he might surprise and persuade 
them to join his own army. His hopes in this re- 
spect being deceived, he next employed stratagem 
to effect his purpose. He caused four of his men to 
be attired in the dresses of his prisoners, that by 
their appearance on the coast, and by their signals, 
those of the vessel might be decoyed to the shore, 
A boat was soon perceived making up to the place, 
but, either suspecting some plot, or from some other 
reason, only three men landed, who were secured. 
the rest hastening back to the vessel. Cortes re- 
turned to Chempoalla tranquillized in mind, ha- 
ving little to apprehend from the power of Garay ; 
besides, his excursion had not been wholly unpro- 
fitable, since it had procured him an addition of 
seven men to his army/* So insignificant a rein- 
forcement, as well as the eveut by which it wa^ 
occasioned, may appear of too little moment to 
occupy the recital of the historian, yet the pecu- 
liarity of the character of the conquest of Mexico, 
as well as the slender means by which it was ac- 
complished, make it a duty to recount even such 
trirling particulars. 

Hern an Cortes began his march on the 16 th of 
August. By the advice of the Cheinpoallans, he 
resolved to conduct his army by the way of Tlas- 
cala, having been informed that the inhabitants of 
this territory were in terms of friendly union witli 
his allies, no less than at constant and rancorous 
war with the Mexicans. Nothing worthy of ob- 

* B. Diaz ; Rolls. 



HERNAN CORTES. 115 

servation happened during the first days of the 
march. The army proceeded in compact order 
through Xalapan, Socochima, and Texotla, where 
they were received in the most amicable manner 
by the inhabitants, who were independent of 
Montezuma. After this the Spaniards were ex- 
posed to very severe hardships, as they had to 
march through a wild and mountainous district, 
beset with fearful precipices, and destitute of hu- 
man habitations. The cold was intense ; and this, 
together with some heavy falls of hail, and the 
want of provisions, which began to become incon- 
veniently scarce, would have rendered their con- 
dition unendurable by men less accustomed to toil, 
or less inflamed by the spirit of enterprise and 
conquest. At length, as they approached the 
confines of the Mexican empire, the sight of the 
adventurers was gladdened by symptoms of a 
more favourable nature, for, as they arrived at 
Xocotlan, it appeared that they were entering into 
a rich and cultivated country. The principal city 
of this province was seated in a pleasant valley at 
the foot of the mountains. The temples and other 
buildings appeared lofty, and as they were plas- 
tered and white- washed, they produced a pleasing 
effect from the distance, illuminated as they were 
by the rays of the sun.* The soldiers thought 
that the place resembled the towns of their native 
country, and after all their sufferings they hailed 
the welcome sight with lively demonstrations of 
joy and surprise. 

Cortes sent a message to the Cazique, in con- 
sequence of which he came in advance with a 

* B. Diaz ; Soils. 



116 LIFE OF 

numerous retinue ; but his reception of the Spa- 
niards seemed more to be instigated by fear and 
compulsion, than to flow spontaneously from incli- 
nation. The troops were indifferently treated, 
but Cortes conceived it expedient to disguise his 
resentment and displeasure. The Spanish com- 
mander put several questions concerning the city 
of Mexico and the power of Montezuma, but the 
particulars which he received on the subject were 
of a nature to perplex a mind less capacious, and 
to intimidate a heart less courageous than his 
own. The city was described as almost impreg- 
nable, from the peculiarity of its situation, being 
built in a lake, and having no access, except by 
three causeways, each of which had several chasms 
which were only rendered passable by wooden 
bridges. With regard to Montezuma, he was de- 
picted as a most powerful monarch, and possess- 
ing wealth so vast as to kindle the already suscep- 
tible imaginations of the Spaniards. It was fur- 
ther added, that his enemies were always ac- 
counted as miserable beings, devoted to be sacri- 
ficed to the Gods ; and therefore that tribe was 
esteemed supremely unfortunate which had the 
imprudence to incur the Emperor's displeasure. 
Such accounts, however, though they could not 
but infuse some salutary caution into the heart of 
Cortes, were not sufficiently strong to make him 
relinquish his design. Nor did his followers, to 
many of whom the above particulars were no se- 
cret, entertain other sentiments, but appeared very 
eager to attempt the daring enterprise.* 

Cortes remained five days at Xocotlan, during 

* B.Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 1 Yt 

the latter of which it was perceptible that the dis- 
position of the Cazique towards the Spaniards 
was considerably improved. Nor could it be 
otherwise, for what the impulse of feeling could 
not suggest, a sense of fear and awe would 
achieve. Everything about their guests impress- 
ed the Indians with an idea of their superiority. 
To their uncultivated and weak minds it was alia 
subject of wonder — the fiery spirit, yet docility of 
the horses, the explosion of fire-arms, the dresses 
and weapons of the Spaniards, — nay, even a dog, 
which they had with them, was a matter of asto- 
nishment. But what principally struck the Ca- 
zique of Xocotlan, was the apparent unconcern 
with which they heard the dreadful accounts of the 
power of Montezuma, and he also concluded, that 
the men who had the temerity to despise or defy 
that power, must be teules, or deities. Cortes de- 
liberated on the road he was to take in his march 
towards Mexico ; when the Cazique of Xocotlan 
advised him to direct his course through Cholula, 
a rich and industrious province, where the people 
were much given to the pursuits of agriculture and 
trade, and where, no doubt, the Spaniards would 
meet with suitable accommodation. There was 
certainly much plausible reason in this ; but the 
Chempoallan chiefs secretly dissuaded Cortes 
from adopting this counsel, alleging, that the 
Cholulans were a treacherous race ; that no secu- 
rity could be reposed in them ; and, besides, that 
the capital of their province, a strong and populous 
city, was generally guarded by a Mexican garri- 
son. The province of Tlascala, on the other 
hand, the more populous, fierce, and warlike, be- 
ing in a continual state of enmity with Montezuma, 



118 LIFE OF 

and in alliance with the Chempoallans and Toto-> 
nacas, the friends of the Spaniards, the Caziques of 
the two latter tribes counselled Cortes to take the 
way of that province in preference to that of Cho- 
lula. 

This reasoning appeared to the Spanish com- 
mander full of good sense ; and as prudence would 
suggest to follow the advice of those men of whose 
fidelity he had already received proof, in prefer- 
ence to that of a Cazique, who, if not actually 
meditating treason, had but too plainly displayed 
his ill will towards his guests, Cortes resolved to 
guide himself by the counsel of his first allies ; he, 
therefore, ordered his troops to hold themselves in 
readiness for their departure to Tlascala. 



HERNAN CORTES. 119 



CHAPTER IX. 



Account of the War with the TIascalans. 

The populous and extensive province of Tlas- 
cala, though less civilized than the Mexican em- 
pire, was far more advanced in the arts of social 
life than the other rude nations, hitherto visited 
hy the Spaniards. The district was filled with 
large towns, generally built on high eminences, by 
which means the inhabitants were at once enabled 
to possess an advantageous situation of defence, 
as well as to devote the more level ground to the 
purposes of agriculture. In this they had made 
considerable progress ; nor were they destitute of 
some notions of commerce, though they depended 
in a great measure for subsistence on the pursuits 
of the chase. This augmented the natural fierce- 
ness and independence of their character, and led 
to the constant and inveterate wars in which they 
were engaged with Montezuma. The Tiascalans 
had originally been governed by kings ; but ha- 
ving been once involved in the horrors of civil con- 
tention, they had shaken off the yoke, and form- 
ed themselves into a sort of federal constitu- 
tion. They divided themselves into several dis- 
tricts, each of which possessed its separate ruler, 
who received his power from public election, and 

K 



120 LIFE OF 

was to represent his province in the senate of 
Tlascala.* Such was the nation through which 
Cortes resolved to pursue his march in his pro- 
gress to Mexico. 

The Spanish General entertained the fondest 
expectations that the inhabitants would give him 
a friendly reception. Their warlike character 
made him suppose they could not but welcome 
with joy those who arrived in their territories with 
the ostensible pretence of delivering them from 
the tyranny of Montezuma. So powerful an ally 
as Cortes must be readily admitted into the con- 
fidence and respect of the Senate and the people. 
Besides, the ties of amity which bound the Tlasca- 
lans with the Chempoallans and Totonacas, was 
an additional circumstance to justify the most flat- 
tering hopes. Under this impression, and further 
to conciliate the friendly disposition of the Tlas- 
calans, Cortes sent to announce his arrival by four 
Chempoallans of high rank, who accoutred them- 
selves for the occasion in the ceremonial costume 
of ambassadors. These chiefs covered their shoul- 
ders with a soft cotton mantle full of knots in the 
extremities, and in their right hand they carried a 
long arrow, surmounted with white feathers, the 
symbol of peace, red being with them the emblem 
of war. The Chempoallans proceeded to the dis* 
charge or their mission, when, contrary to the 
general expectation, the decision of the Senate 
proved unfavourable to the Spaniards. The am- 
bassadors, without any regard to their sacred func- 
tions, were arrested, and very narrowly escaped 
with their lives, as the Tlascalans had already 

* B. Diaz; Gomara; Solis. 



HERNAN CORTES. 121 

prepared to sacrifice them to the Gods. They, 
however, either owing to the neglect, or with the 
connivance, of their guard, succeeded in effecting 
their flight, and hastened to carry this intelligence 
to Cortes, with strong signs of terror and alarm.* 
They represented the people of Tlascala as deci- 
dedly hostile, and threatening not only to destroy 
the Spaniards, but every one who should be im- 
prudent enough to lend them aid or assistance. 
To this information an awful account was added, 
of the numerous and valiant forces which the 
enemy were collecting to check the farther pro- 
gress of the invaders. 

A resolution so totally different from what 
Cortes had been led to expect, failed not to fill 
him with surprise. He was at a loss to decide 
what reasons could induce the Tlascalans to adopt 
this line of conduct. Various causes might have 
directed the counsels of these Indians. The dis- 
trust of an ignorant race, jealous of then- inde- 
pendence, would suggest that the Spaniards were 
secretly devoted to Montezuma, whatever might be 
their professions to the tribes through which they 
passed. Their intended visit to the capital of that 
monarch, and the great number of Mexicans that 
accompanied them in their march, made such a 
supposition not devoid of plausibility. Again, the 
Tlascalans might cherish profound sentiments of 
hate and horror towards the Spaniards on account 
of that religious zeal which had prompted them 
to overturn the idols at Chempoalla and other 
places. They would naturally feel a desire to 
sacrifice the impious strangers to their offended 

* B. Diaz. 



122 LIFE OF 

deities ; and this idea was further strengthened by 
the consideration of the small number of the enemy 
against whom they had to contend. 

Cortes having remained eight days at Xala- 
eingo, advanced (August 30th) into the Tlascalan 
dominions. As an engagement was soon to be 
expected, he placed his army in an attitude of de- 
fence. The standard of Castile was carried in 
front. The cavalry were instructed to break 
through the enemy's lines, and create confusion, 
without staying to inflict particular wounds. 
Cortes then, pointing to the banner, exclaimed, 
" Spaniards ! follow boldly the standard of the 
Holy Cross, through which we shall conquer I" 
To which the soldiers answered with one accord — 
" On, on, in the name of God, in whom alone we 
place our trust !"* After a march of two leagues, 
the army arrived at a wall or fortification con- 
structed of stone and lime, and well adapted for 
defence. This, it appeared, was a barrier which 
the Tlascalans had been obliged to make, in order 
to protect their territories from the invasion of the 
Mexicans, -j- Upon their arrival, however, the 
Spaniards found it deserted, either because the 
Tlascalans had no time to bring their forces to the 
place, or because they preferred to meet the enemy 
in the open field, where they could avail themselves 
of their superiority in number, with greater suc- 
cess and efficacy, i After crossing this barrier, 
the advanced guard of Cortes came in sight of the 
first troops of the Tlascalan army ; a skirmish 
took place, which was soon followed by an action 
of greater importance. Upon the approach of 

* B. Diaz. f Ibid. J Solis. 



HERN AN CORTES. 123 

Cortes, the Tlascalans, to the number of three 
thousand men, suddenly rushed from an ambush, 
in which they lay concealed, and discharged a 
shower of arrows. Despite, however, of their in- 
trepidity, they were compelled to give way, though 
they effected a retreat in an orderly manner, and 
without evincing those extreme symptoms of ter- 
ror and awe which had uniformly accompanied, in 
other provinces, the explosion of the Spanish artil- 
lery, and the evolutions of the cavalry. 

Cortes perceived that he had now to contend 
with a foe far more formidable than any which he 
had hitherto encountered, and he was alive to the 
urgency of proceeding with profound caution in all 
his future operations. He accordingly instructed 
his slender army to inarch in compact order, and 
devoted particular care in the selection of the places 
in which he was to halt, as well as in fortifying 
them in a competent manner against the enemy's 
attacks. On the following day, Cortes met two 
divisions of Tlascalans, to the number of six thou- 
sand men, ready to oppose him. A second, and 
more furious engagement, took place* The Tlas- 
calans rushed to the charge with dauntless re- 
solution, filling the air with then arrows and 
other projectiles, and raising a prodigious uproar 
with their discordant yells and martial instruments ; 
but the Spanish artillery making a dreadful exe- 
cution upon their troops, they soon retreated to 
an eminence, from which they at length disappear- 
ed. Cortes having gained this height, discovered, 
on the plain below, the whole of the Tlascaian 
army, which had assembled in that place under 
the command of Xicotencatl, the general-in-chief 
of the republic. It was a vast multitude, extending 
k2 



124 LIFE OF 

far and wide, and amounting to about forty thousand , 
ready for battle.* At first, as the cavalry could not 
act upon the uneven and descending ground, there 
was an apparent advantage on the side of the Tlas- 
calans ; but Cortes gave strict orders to his soldiers 
not to separate ; and in this manner, though in- 
cessantly harassed by the flight of arrows and 
stones, he at length reached the plain below, when 
the whole powers of the artillery and cavalry were 
successfully brought into action. After a severe 
and well-disputed contest of an hour's duration, 
the Tlascalans retreated in perfect order, abandon- 
ing the field to their enemies, who were too much 
exhausted to attempt a pursuit. This battle (fought 
September 2d) was the most important which 
the Spaniards had hitherto engaged in, since their 
arrival in New Spain. The loss of the Tlascalans 
was very great, no less than eight of their princi- 
pal chiefs being slain, and a proportionate number 
of the troops, though it was impossible to form a 
just computation of the dead and wounded, owing 
to the prevailing custom among the Indians of 
carrying away both one and the other from the 
field of battle — a practice which had its origin in 
the combined sentiments of sagacity and pity ; for 
the Indians expected, by these means, to conceal 
their losses from the enemy, as well as to prevent 
their unfortunate companions from falling into their 
power, and being devoured. The Spaniards made 
several prisoners, among whom there were two 
chiefs. The loss of Cortes on this occasion amount- 
ed to fifteen men wounded, of whom only one died. 
He had also one horse killed, which the Indians 

* B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 125 

carried away in triumph, and which, being cut into 
pieces, was distributed as a trophy amongst the 
different cities of TJascala.* 

After this severe engagement, Cortes thought 
it expedient to renew his offers of peace. A pro- 
tracted resistance from these Indians was to him 
a source of deep anxiety, for whilst it tended to 
diminish his slender force, it would also be produc- 
tive of more disastrous results. He was consci- 
ous that the vigorous opposition of the Tlascalans 
would arouse the energies of other provinces, 
whose fears, or less warlike dispositions, might 
otherwise have led them to entertain more friend- 
ly sentiments ; besides, the degree of awe and 
superstition with which the Spaniards were con- 
sidered on account of their superiority, would 
cease to influence the natives, so soon as an ad- 
vantage, however partial, could be obtained over 
their enemy. Should the idea of resistance begin to 
spread through the New World, Cortes was sen- 
sible that his undertaking would terminate in the 
total extermination of his followers. Even the 
advantages derived from the fire-arms and the ca- 
valry would form but an inadequate counterpoise 
to the vast multitudes which the natives could bring 
incessantly into the field. The Spanish command- 
er, therefore, prudently judged, that his ulterior 
plans would depend for success more on the ope- 
rations of a profound policy, than the agency of 
actual force. He accordingly sent his two prison- 
ers with overtures of peace. To the friendly 
message of Cortes, however, Xicotencatl return- 
ed the following answer : — " Bid them proceed 

• B, Diaz. 



126 LIFE OF 

to Tlascala, where the peace they shall meet from 
us shall be displayed by the sacrifice of their hearts 
and blood to the gods, and of their bodies to our 
feasts."* 

This horrible declaration, joined to the evidence 
of the Tlascalan valour and ferocity, could not be 
considered without shuddering by Cortes. Yet 
his magnanimous soul saw the urgency of affecting 
that composure which he could not really entertain. 
Had his heart afforded the least outward symptom 
of misgiving, the infection would easily and rapidly 
have spread amongst his suffering followers. He 
accordingly, with apparent unconcern and confi- 
dence of success, issued the necessary dispositions 
for another engagement ; and that night was spent 
by the Spaniards, partly in preparing for battle, and 
partly in confessing their sins, and other acts of de- 
votion. On the 5th of September, Cortes renew- 
ed his march with all his men, the wounded not 
being exempted from duty. The crossbowmen and 
musketeers were instructed to discharge alternate- 
ly, so that they might keep up an uninterrupted 
fire ; and every possible arrangement was made 
both for the protection of the infantry, and for the 
more effectual action of the horsemen. At a short 
distance the enemy came in sight, covering the 
plain to the extent of two leagues, and bearing in 
their deportment all the tokens of unbroken cou- 
rage, and confidence of success. The vast army, 
composed of five divisions, each under the guidance 
of a principal chief, amounted to 50,000 warriors.f 
They were headed by Xicotencatl, whose banner 
was carried before him, exhibiting a large white 

• B. Diaz. f Ibid* 



HERKAN COKTES. 12t 

bird, resembling a spread ostrich. The conflict 
began, as usual, with a prodigious discharge of 
arrows, stones, and double-headed darts, after 
which the Tlascalans advanced vigorously towards 
the enemy, encouraging the less hardy by anima- 
ting shouts. The incessant fire of the Spaniards 
caused a dreadful slaughter among the thick and 
unwieldy masses of the enemy, whilst the compact 
order and steady courage preserved by the small 
battalions, produced the best effect for a long 
time. Once, however, despite of discipline, the 
line was completely broken, and it required all 
the exertions of Cortes, united with extraordi- 
nary magnanimity on the part of his men, to re- 
cover their lost position. But the destruction 
wrought by the cavalry came most seasonably to 
their relief. Other circumstances also combined 
to make the Spaniards again masters of the field. 
One of the divisions of the enemy took no part in 
the engagement, owing to a spirit of revenge which 
actuated its commander, who, as it afterwards 
appeared, had received some affront from Xicoten- 
catL* This circumstance at length damped the 
ardour of the Tlascalans, whose terrors were fur- 
ther increased when they beheld that one of the 
five principal chiefs had fallen in the conflict. In 
this fierce battle the Spaniards had only one man 
killed ; but no less than seventy, as well as all the 
horses, received wounds, many of which after- 
wards proved mortal. 

Cortes, on the day following this engagement, 
sent a fresh message to the Tlascalan Senate, re- 
iterating his demand of being allowed a free pasa- 

* B. Diaz. 



128 LIFE OF 

age through their territories, and threatening, in 
case of a refusal, to involve the whole country 
in ruin and destruction. But the Indian chiefs, 
though much dispirited by their recent losses, were 
yet unsubdued in their resolution, and averse to 
the propositions of peace. Far from being un- 
willing again to meet their formidable foe, they 
were only anxious to devise some plan for attack- 
ing them with a more favourable issue than had 
hitherto accompanied their attempts. For this 
purpose they summoned their priests and wizards 
into their presence, and required them to declare 
the motives of the extraordinary events which had 
lately happened, and to point out the means by 
which such calamities might be averted in fu- 
ture. The priests, after the preparatory incanta- 
tions and human sacrifices, announced, that the 
Spaniards were men like themselves, but created 
by the vivifying heat of the sun in the regions of 
the east ; that during the day they were invin- 
cible, as they fought under the protection of the 
solar luminary, but at night, when his genial in- 
fluence was withdrawn, the strangers could be 
easily conquered and subdued.* 

This solution of the mystery satisfied the Tlas- 
calans, and they resolved to attack the Spaniards 
by night, though, by so doing, they acted in op- 
position to their established practice in war. Xico- 
tencatl was instructed to surprise and charge the 
enemy, whilst they were enfeebled by the absence 
of the sun. But Cortes had sufficient shrewdness 
to perceive the stratagems of the Indians, as well 
a 1 ? the necessary vigilance to render them abortive 

* B. Diaz ; Gomara 5 Cron. ; Herrera, Dec. 



HERMAN CORTES, 129 

in the execution. The outposts kept a constant 
watch, and at the first symptoms of the enemy's 
movement, gave the alarm. The Spaniards quickly 
flew to arms, and before Xicotencatl had time to 
approach their quarters, to his unspeakable asto- 
nishment, he perceived, that instead of finding 
those formidable strangers drooping like plants 
under the midnight air, they were ready in arms 
to oppose them. A sharp conflict ensued, and 
the moon affording a clear light, the cavalry soon 
routed the Tlascalans, who fled with all the signs 
of wonder and dismay. 

This success was of the highest importance to 
Cortes ; for it obliged the Tlascalans to entertain 
serious thoughts of peace. The last occurrence 
strengthened their former belief, that the Spa- 
niards were really teules, or beings of a superior 
class ; whilst their rage was strongly excited against 
the priests, by whom they considered themselves 
to have been grossly deceived. In this persuasion 
they seized two of the principal impostors, and 
sacrificed them in one of those temples from which 
they were accustomed to issue their oracles,"* The 
people, exhausted by such constant hardships, 
and intimidated by such repeated disasters, began 
to grow clamorous and impatient ; and the Senate 
was obliged to listen to numberless complaints. 
But there was another powerful reason to induce 
that council to suspend hostilities ; and this was a 
peremptory message from Cortes, insisting on his 
former demand, and threatening the Tlascalans 
with instant destruction if they made the least he- 
sitation. The members of the Senate unanimously 

• B. Diaz. 



130 LIFE OF 

agreed to enter into an accommodation with the 
enemy ; but the general, Xicotencatl, proudly re- 
fused to give his consent to the measure, and per- 
sisted in his resolution of continuing the war. 
Hereupon, repeated messages were sent by both 
parties, and some time spent in negotiation, till at 
length the Senate carried their point, and Xieo* 
tencatl laid down his arms. 

The Tlascalans were, however, doubtful in 
what manner to address the Spaniards. They 
could not decide whether they were to consider 
them as gentle or cruel beings. There had ap- 
peared a sort of contradiction in the conduct of 
those redoubtable invaders, which seemed to jus- 
tify both these opinions. The uniform practice 
of releasing all their prisoners, and sending them 
back, not only without injury, but often with tokens 
of regard, together with the renewal of offers of 
peace at the end of every successive battle, filled 
the Tlascalans with amazement. The system of war 
carried on in New Spain was one of hateful exter- 
mination, and sentiments so different now exhi- 
bited by their new enemy, could not but impress 
them with a favourable idea of their humanity. 
On the other hand, there were striking circum- 
stances to contradict this opinion. Cortes, having 
detected fifty spies, who had approached his camp 
by order of Xicotencatl. ordered many of them to 
have their hands cut off, and the rest their thumbs, 
in order, by this rigorous measure, at once to pu- 
nish them, and intimidate their employers. The 
sufferers returned to their countrymen, who were 
struck with horror and dismay at the bloody spec- 
tacle : and this event, combined with the artillery 



HERNAN CORTES. 131 

and the horses, made them again incline to judge 
the invaders as beings of a ferocious and sangui- 
nary disposition. 

This uncertainty induced the Tlascalans to em- 
ploy a sort of conditional negotiation in their en- 
deavours to propitiate the Spaniards ; and accord- 
ingly they dispatched forty messengers, loaded 
with such gifts as would tend to conciliate their 
good-will, whatever might be their real character. 
" If you are teules" said one of the messengers to 
Cortes, u as it is related, and desire human sacri- 
fices, take the flesh of these slaves, and eat ; shed 
their blood, and drink. If you are deities of a be- 
nignant nature, here is a gift of incense and fea- 
thers ; and if you are men, we bring you meat and 
bread for your nourishment."* Soon after, the 
approach of a great number of Indians from Tlas- 
cala was announced, and Cortes ordered all his 
men under arms, to receive the numerous train, 
which he supposed to come charged with propo- 
sals of peace. His expectations were not deceived. 
Four elders detached themselves from their body, 
and advancing towards Cortes, with marks of pro- 
found veneration offered him incense, and pro- 
ceeded to declare the purport of their mission. 
They came on the part of the Tlascalan Senate, 
with overtures of peace, solemnly declaring, that 
the Tlascalans had been induced to take arms 
against the Spaniards, under the persuasion that 
they were the allies of the tyrant Montezuma. 
They concluded by expressing their compunction 
for the past, and their earnest prayer to put them- 

* B. Diaz ; Herrera, Dec. 
L 



132 LIFE OF 

selves under the protection of Cortes. The Spa- 
nish commander returned a gracious answer to the 
messengers, expressive of his ardent desire to ce- 
ment indissoluble ties of union with the Tlascalan 
nation ; and the short but desolating war with that 
people was thus brought to a conclusion. 



HERNAN CORTES* 133 



CHAPTER X. 



Conspiracy and Massacre of the Chohdans* 

The Spaniards entered the city of Tlascala on 
the 23d of September, thirty-four days after their 
arrival into the dominions of the republic. The 
reception which they met from their new allies, 
was as cordial as their previous animosity had 
appeared implacable. Nothing could be more 
fortunate than this timely suspension of hostili- 
ties ; for the condition of the Spaniards at this 
period was deplorable beyond measure. The 
hardships to which they had been subjected 
during such severe service, were of a nature to 
damp the most ardent spirit, to break down the 
most robust and healthy frame. Constantly sur- 
rounded by a multitude of enemies equal to them- 
selves in valour and perseverance, and labouring 
under the united calamities of excessive fatigue, 
want of rest, and maladies peculiar to the climate, 
it would appear that a prolongation of the contest 
would terminate either in the destruction of the 
invaders, or in obliging them to relinquish their 
enterprise. Half of the troops were on duty du- 
ring the night, and even those of the soldiers whose 
turn it was to repose, were compelled to sleep on 



134 LIFE OF 

their arms, that they might assume them at the 
first sigual of danger. 

Above fifty-five had already perished since the 
commencement of the expedition, and a consider- 
able number were suffering from their wounds, or 
labouring under distempers which were natural 
to the climate. Cortes himself was in a declining 
state of health, though his dauntless mind impel- 
led him to grapple magnanimously with the cala- 
mity. To all these disasters were added the con- 
stant anticipation of being some day taken, and 
slaughtered in honour of the deities of the coun- 
try, if indeed such a dismal doom was not pre- 
vented by another equally fatal, from the effects 
of famine. Such was the lowering prospect con- 
tinually present to the Spaniards, when every new 
day called them to a renewal of dangers, and a 
repetition of their miseries. It was not, there- 
fore, extraordinary, that many of the soldiers, worn 
out by such a succession of calamities, should 
murmur and complain, nor that when they beheld 
the inexhaustible number of their enemies, their 
hearts should begin to despair. Some of them 
had already demanded to be led back to Cuba, 
and Cortes, amidst the pressure of misfortune that 
weighed so heavily, and under such varied forms, 
upon his resolution, had the additional mortifica- 
tion of perceiving a spirit of despondency creeping 
among his followers. 

His perseverance was now put to a hard trial, 
but his self-possession did not desert him for a 
moment in so critical a juncture. He endeavoured 
to impress the soldiers with an idea of the su- 
periority they possessed over the enemy, and 
cheered them with the prospect of prompt ame- 



HERNAN CORTES. 135 

li oration in their condition. Fortunately the 
surrender of the Tlascalans, the entry of the con- 
querors into the city, and the sudden exemption 
from hard service and constant danger, came in 
time to check the progress of the growing evil, and 
to restore to the Spaniards their wonted resolu- 
tion. The prospects of the adventurers were now 
completely changed ; from the abyss of despond- 
ency, they were suddenly elevated to the height of 
hope and confidence. The exertions of Cortes in 
conciliating the Tlascalans were attended with the 
most fortunate results. The natives, with singu- 
lar inconstancy of mind, quickly passed from the 
extreme of hate to that of enthusiastic admiration. 
They fancied the Spaniards to enjoy a celestial 
origin, and every thing about them was a subject 
of wonder and praise. The horses were objects 
of special and extraordinary astonishment. They 
supposed them to be monsters, making one with 
their riders ; and even when their error was ex- 
posed to them, they still persisted in their opinion 
that they devoured men in battle, and that their 
neighing was their call for prey.* The Tlascalans 
became truly devoted to their new guests, and 
not only were they eager to show obedience to 
their instructions, but invariably evinced a sincere 
desire to anticipate then wants. 

This favourable disposition in the natives en= 
couraged Cortes to address them on the subject of 
religion, and rescue them from their cruel idola- 
try. But the Tlascalans were tenacious in pre- 
serving those religious tenets which had been pro- 
fessed by their forefathers. They were ready to 

* Herrera, Dec, 
h 2 



136 LIFE OF 

admit the power of the God whom the Spaniards 
worshipped, but, on the other hand, they contend- 
ed for the glory of their own. The zeal of Cortes 
obscured the brightness of his reason, and, adopt- 
ing a menacing attitude, he began to contemplate 
a scene similar to that which had marked his so- 
journ at Chempoalla. Fortunately he was dissua- 
ded from this rash attempt by the remonstrances 
of the good Bartholomew de Olmedo, who, with as 
much prudence as Christian charity, represented 
to him the want of policy as well as justice of 
such a proceeding. He further added, that his 
heart had never approved the violent measures 
taken at Chempoalla. The light of religion was 
to be diffused by persuasion, not by the sword. 
Where compulsion influenced the decision of the 
natives, conversion could not be sincere, and it 
would be of no avail to demolish their false gods, 
if their hearts persisted in entertaining a belief in 
their idolatry. Alvarado, Velazquez de Leon, and 
Lugo, joined their expostulations to the prudent 
words of the worthy priest ; and Cortes was per- 
suaded to desist from his intention.* However, 
this event was not unproductive of some benefi- 
cial results, for it led to the liberation of a great 
number of wretches who were kept in the temples, 
confined in cages, for the purpose of being fatten- 
ed, that they might offer fit objects for their sacri- 
fices on grand festivals and days of state, j- 

The Spaniards being now restored to their full 
vigour by their timely sojourn at Tlascala, Cortes 
determined to resume his march towards Mexico. 
Great uncertainty, however, ensued with regard to 

* J3» Diaz. Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 137 

the road be was to take. The Mexican ambas- 
sadors strongly recommended him to proceed to 
Cholula, a considerable town, where arrangements 
had already been made for his accommodation ; but 
the Tlascalans as earnestly dissuaded Cortes from 
following this advice. They represented the Cho- 
lulans as a perfidious people, and wholly subser- 
vient to the will of Montezuma. Cortes never- 
theless resolved to march to that town, partly to 
please the Mexican ambassadors, whose good 
graces he had assiduously toiled to gain, and part- 
ly to show the Tlascalans that he stood in as lit- 
tle awe of concealed as of open enemies. The 
Spanish army was besides considerably strength- 
ened by a reinforcement of 6000 Tlascalans, and 
in case of some secret plot, Cortes relied with im- 
plicit confidence on his sagacity and prudence, 
which he considered more than adequate to the 
rude contrivances of the Indians. 

Cholula was a place of highest veneration 
amongst the Indians. Their superstition had in- 
duced them to consider the town under the spe- 
cial protection of their gods ; hence it was the re- 
sort of many pilgrims, who came to pay their de- 
votions at the sanctuary of Quetzal coatl, a divi- 
nity with whom a very important feature of the 
Mexican mythology was connected. His temple 
was considered the first in importance, and claimed 
precedence over the principal one of Mexico. On 
which account, the sacrifices therein performed 
were as numerous as they were frightful. It was 
an article of the Indian faith, that, by razing the 
wall of this temple, secret springs of water would 
burst, and copious rivers begin to flow, in such 



138 LIFE OF 

a manner as to produce a general inundation.* 
It is more than probable that this persuasion ac- 
tuated Montezuma in desiring the Spaniards to 
enter Cholula, where he expected the gods would 
dreadfully visit on those strangers their numerous 
and daring profanations. 

As Cortes approached the town, the principal 
chiefs and priest, carrying censers in their hands, 
and attended by musical instruments, came in ad- 
vance to meet him. They, however, with marks 
of profound respect, informed the Spanish com- 
mander, that though they were willing to admit 
the Spaniards and the Totanacas into their city, 
the same privilege could not extend to their an- 
cient and bitter enemies the Tlascalans. To this 
arrangement Cortes offered no opposition, and in- 
structing his allies to remain encamped in the vi- 
cinity of Cholula, he entered that place with the 
same ceremonies and tokens of wonder which had 
characterized his former entry into Tlascala. But 
the show of cordiality testified at first by the Cho- 
lulans soon began to change, and the symptoms, 
that some secret plan was in contemplation, could 
not escape the active eye of Cortes. He began 
seriously to entertain thoughts that the Tlascalans 
had not deceived him in their accounts of the per- 
fidy of the Cholulans. By degrees the provisions 
supplied began to grow more scarce, until they to- 
tally failed, and the Spaniards had nothing but 
wood and water provided for their entertainment. 
But this was not the only evidence of secret ma- 
chinations. Other proofs more striking and convin- 
cing were soon brought to light. Some oftheChem- 

■ Torquemada; Clavigero. 



HERNAX CORTES. 139 

poallan allies came secretly to Cortes, and inform- 
ed him that they had discovered several pitfalls 
and trenches dug in the streets adjoining the 
Spanish quarters. These traps, apparently to dis- 
able the horses, were slightly covered over with 
earth, and armed with sharp stakes, on which the 
intended victims might fall transfixed. To this 
intelligence was soon added other evidence of a 
still more alarming description. Several of the 
Tlascalans introduced themselves disguised into 
the city, and apprised Cortes that they had ob- 
served a vast number of women and children has- 
tening away from Cholula in the night, laden with 
valuable articles, which event could not be ac- 
counted for but on the ground of some impending 
commotion. They further added, that six child- 
ren had been sacrificed in the principal temple — a 
sure token that the Cholulans meditated a warlike 
undertaking. Besides, it was also discovered that 
iiitrenchments had been formed in some of the 
streets; and stones, and other missiles, collected on 
the summits of the temples. But the evidence 
which most powerfully weighed on Cortes, and 
changed his suspicions into certainty, was the in- 
formation brought by the faithful Doha Marina. 

By a most fortunate event, the beauty, spirit, 
and numerous accomplishments of this extraordi- 
nary female had excited the regard of a Cholulan 
lady of high rank, who resolved to make an effort 
to save her from the ruin with which herTriends 
were threatened. To this effect she disclosed to 
her the mysteries of the deep conspiracy : That 
20,000 Mexicans were ready at a short distance 
from the city, who, in conjunction with the Cho- 
lulans, had concerted effectual measures for the to- 



140 LIFE OF 

tal massacre of the Spaniards. Doiia Marina lost 
no time in bringing this intelligence to Cortes. 
Her sagacity and attachment were strongly exem- 
plified on this occasion, by the manner in which 
she won every secret from her Cholulan friend, 
pretending to follow the Spaniards by compulsion, 
inducing her not only to disclose the diabolical 
plot, but to exert her utmost endeavours in the 
investigation of its trammels. Some of the chief 
priests were then arrested, and awed by the con- 
viction that the Spaniards were really teules, since 
they could thus discover such secret machinations, 
they confirmed, by their depositions, the existence 
and progress of the conspiracy. Every doubt 
was now removed, and Cortes reflected with a 
shudder on the danger that had menaced both him 
and his companions. 

His mind was perplexed how to proceed in this 
important juncture. A measure of the utmost 
rigour suggested itself as the only one fitted for 
the present trying occasion. The profound refine* 
ment of the treason made him abhor the duplicity 
of the Cholulans ; its atrocious extent kindled in 
his heart the flame of fierce indignation. But when 
the first ebullition of passion had subsided, a de- 
gree of sombre horror pervaded his reflections. 
The moment was arrived when a fearful and san- 
guinary expedient was to be adopted, both to pu- 
nish the present treachery, and prevent a repeti- 
tion of it in future. He resolved, therefore, by a 
dreadful retribution, to strike terror into the hearts 
of his enemies, and by the image of a frightful 
catastrophe to arrest the progress of Montezuma 
in the fabrication of new plots. Unwilling, how- 
ever, to proceed to so momentous an affair with- 



HERNAN CORTES, 141 

out the advice and concurrence of his officers, he 
instantly proceeded to unfold the awful danger by 
which they were surrounded. Some were of opi- 
nion that the catastrophe should be averted by a 
speedy retreat to Huexotzinco or Tlascala, but 
the majority referring themselves to the determi- 
nation of their general, Cortes resolved to carry 
his design into execution.* He accordingly or- 
dered his Tlascalan allies to storm the city at the 
dawn of day, and that, showing only mercy to- 
wards the women and children, they should in- 
flict a promiscuous doom on the rest of its inhabit- 
ants. 

Cortes then signified to the Cholulans that it 
was his intention to resume his march on the fol- 
lowing day. This intelligence filled these Indians 
with a strong delight, which they could not dis- 
guise in their looks and deportment. They con- 
ceived themselves now secure of their prey, and 
already gloated in the anticipated destruction of 
their enemies. At the break of day, therefore, 
the chiefs and about forty Cholulans came into a 
sort of square or court in the Spanish quarters, 
which was to be in a short time the scene of a 
frightful tragedy. A considerable number of the 
Cholulan troops also burst into the square in ex- 
pectation of a result very different from that 
which was to follow. Cortes mounted his horse, 
and proceeded to address them in a calm but se- 
vere tone, reproaching them with the blackness of 
their treason, and the extent of their guilt. He 
knew all their contrivances, and was fully ac- 
quainted with their designs. The Spaniards had 

• Clavigero. 



142 LIFE OF 

entered their city under the safeguard of proffer- 
ed friendship — they had not by one single act ren- 
dered themselves liable to the hatred or the re- 
venge of the Cholulans. Their conduct had uni- 
formly been that of peaceable guests, not that of 
insolent conquerors. So far from contemplating 
aught against the security of their city, or the 
property of its inhabitants, they had shown them- 
selves solicitous to preserve both by all the means 
in their power. They had accordingly, in com- 
pliance with the request'of the Cholulans, prohibit- 
ed the Tlascalan allies from appearing in the city 
— a request which,it nowbecame evident, had only 
been made with the intention of depriving the 
Spaniards of the assistance of their friends. " If," 
added Cortes, '," you had a natural aversion against 
men from whom you have received no wrong, why 
not oppose us manfully and bravely in the field 
like the Tiascalans, instead of resorting to means 
so cowardly and so treacherous, to display your 
animosity, and effect our destruction ? The vic- 
tory which your false deities have promised you is 
beyond their power. The bloody sacrifices which 
you expected to offer up to them cannot be ac- 
complished, and the effects of this dark plot will 
only be to turn the intended ruin against the guilty 
heads of its contrivers." * 

The chiefs, astounded and intimidated, endea- 
voured to excuse their conduct by a declaration 
of the orders they had received from Montezuma. 
Cortes, however, would not accept this excuse, 
but ordered a musket to be fired, which was the 
s.gnal for the punishment of the Cholulans. Here- 

* B. Diaz ; Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 143 

upon tbe Spaniards fell on their victims, and the 
place became in a moment a scene of horror and 
confusion. A vast number were slaughtered on 
the spot, whilst many others, who succeeded in 
effecting their escape from this horrible catas- 
trophe, soon met with another equally appalling, 
either in the streets, or in the temples of their 
fated city. The Tlascalans now rushed against 
the town with the most unequivocal symptoms of 
their sanguinary intentions. Instigated at once 
by their ancient quarrel with the Cholulans, and 
eager to signalize their zeal in the cause of their 
allies, they hurried through the streets like frantic 
demons, cutting down whatever they met in their 
fierce and destructive course. The citizens, ap- 
palled at so unexpected an attack, and undecided 
what step to adopt, betook themselves to flight ; 
whilst others, less dismayed or more desperate, 
assembled in various places to check the career 
of their destroyers. 

Meantime, the Spaniards sallied from their 
quarters, and began to make fearful havoc with 
their artillery, which kept up a constant fire, sweep- 
ing down the affrighted Cholulans, and encumber- 
ing the streets with their lifeless remains. Some 
of the inhabitants, in despair of averting their fate 
by human means, had now recourse to their su- 
perstitious belief. They considered the moment 
arrived, when it became necessary to raze the 
walls of the temple of Quetzalcoatl ; and they in- 
stantly applied to the task in the flattering expect- 
ation that the city would be deluged. But when 
they perceived the total failure of this expedient, 
their dismay increased, and they yielded almost 
to despair. Some, in the intensity of agony, en« 

M 



144 LIFE OF 

deavoured to fortify themselves in their houses- 
others flocked to the temples to implore the pity 
of the gods, and exert their last efforts, as they 
supposed, under divine protection. Many of the 
houses were now in flames, and the work of slaugh- 
ter continued, amidst the pierciug cries of the vic- 
tims, and the fierce exclamations of their destroyers. 
Cortes summoned those who had made themselves 
strong in the temples to surrender. They treated 
the summons with fierceness and scorn ; on which 
the Spaniards proceeded to storm those last sanc- 
tuaries of superstition and despair. 

The attack was furious, and its effects became 
too soon apparent. The entrances were obstructed 
with the dying and the dead. The towers were 
involved in a conflagration, produced by the fla- 
ming torches which the Indians hurled, with fatal 
certainty, to the intended spot. The streets were 
covered with bloody and half-burnt corpses, whilst 
the cries of agony, and the confusion that pervaded 
that scene of desolation, made of the whole city a 
spectacle of unparalleled horror. It was a striking 
evidence of inveterate purpose, that of all the Cho- 
lulans who had fled to their temples, only one 
surrendered alive to the Spaniards — all the rest 
chose rather to perish in the flames, or, by preci- 
pitating themselves from the high towers, to be 
dashed in pieces. 

In this frightful slaughter above six thousand 
lost their lives, and the city presented a mournful 
spectacle of depopulation. The Spaniards and 
Tlascalans, when the work of death was ended, 
began to ravage and plunder the dwellings of the 
Cholulans, and the temples of their gods. The 
latter evinced such determined animosity in their 



HERNAN CORTES. 145 

conduct against their ancient enemies, that Cortes 
was obliged to interpose his authority to check 
their frantic rage. The dreadful spectacle which 
Cholula now presented awoke sentiments of pity 
in the heart of the Spanish commander. He is- 
sued a proclamation, inviting the fugitives to re- 
turn to their habitations,, and promising pardon to 
all those who had escaped the preceding devasta- 
tion. He likewise desired Xicotencatl, who had 
suddenly appeared near the city, at the head of 
twenty thousand men, to withdraw from the place, 
his assistance being no longer necessary. The 
women and children, who were wandering in ter- 
ror in the mountains^ gradually returned to Cho- 
lula. Many unfortunates began to issue from 
obscure corners and lurking places, whilst many 
others started from the heaps of corpses, where 
they lay apparently dead. Cortes then ordered 
the Tlascalans to release their prisoners, and caused 
a reconciliation to take place between them. He 
then appointed a brother of the late Cazique, who 
had been slain, to the government of the city, and 
used every endeavour to persuade the Cholulans, 
that he was most amicably inclined to them, and 
that nothing but their perfidious conduct had 
brought so dreadful a visitation on the city. 

The massacre of the Cholulans is one of those 
acts which cannot be justified, but which may, ne- 
vertheless, be considerably palliated, by an impar- 
tial and candid examination of the causes by which 
it was occasioned. The Cholulans had not received 
the slightest mark of hostility or vexation from 
their guests, when they barbarously planned 
their total annihilation. Their atrocity is only to 
be equalled by their unparalleled duplicity. But 



146 LIFE OF 

to the stimulus of aroused indignation, and the 
thirst of vengeance for the premeditated outrage, 
the policy, and even necessity, of the measure, be- 
came apparent to the enraged Spaniards. A sig- 
nal punishment they considered indispensable, to 
ensure their future security; and those natives 
who could not be gained by the advances of cor- 
diality, it was necessary to intimidate by the agency 
of terror. Such were, no doubt, the reasons that 
determined Cortes to perpetrate a deed which has 
been one of the most strongly censured in the con- 
quest of Mexico. The provocation received was 
undoubtedly great, and the position of the Spa- 
nish commander truly difficult and embarrassing — 
yet neither the one nor the other can justify such 
cruel and excessive retaliation. But impartiality 
requires us also to declare, that the catastrophe 
would not have been so fearful, had not the Tlasca- 
lans assisted with a savage determination of avenging 
their former injuries. It must, at all events, be ad- 
mitted, that the affair of Cholula was neither so 
excusable as Solis, the historical panegyrist of 
Cortes, endeavours to establish, nor yet that act 
of wanton cruelty which Las Cases and others, 
stimulated by imprudent zeal, have laboured to 
represent. In both cases, those historians were 
misled by a bigoted adherence to their own fa- 
vourite systems, the former representing Hernan 
Cortes as a perfect hero, the latter describing the 
Indians as the most horribly and wantonly perse- 
cuted of human beings. 



HERNAN CORTES. 141 



CHAPTER XL 



Cortes continues his March, and makes his entry 
into Mexico. 

Tranquillity being in some degree restored 
to Cholula, Cortes assembled tbe chiefs and the 
priests to a conference, in which he entered largely 
into his views, not neglecting to address them on 
the subject of religion. He nattered himself that 
after the inefficiency of their famous Quetzalcoatl 
in protecting them from the recent calamity, they 
would lend a willing ear to his proposal of conver- 
sion ; but this was a point on which the Indians 
invariably showed a strong disinclination. Father 
Olmedo again interposed his wise counsels in dis- 
suading Cortes from proceeding to the destruction 
of the idols, but he liberated the prisoners con- 
fined in the cages for the purposes of sacrih* ce. 

Cortes having remained fourteen days at Cho- 
lula, and there being no longer occasion for his 
presence in that city, consulted with his offi cers 
concerning their future operations. The obscu- 
rity which involved the plot of the Cholulans , kept 
the mind of Cortes in a state of doubt with re- 
gard to the attitude he ought to assume in ap- 
proaching the capital of Montezuma. Though 
M 2 



148 LIFE OF 

there were strong reasons to suspect that the con- 
spiracy had been planned and ordered by that 
monarch, yet the solemn protestations of his am- 
bassadors, and the reputation which the Cholulans 
had for duplicity, rendered it perhaps unjust to 
fix the odium on him. Cortes accordingly deter- 
mined to affect a disbelief of his being concerned 
in the transaction, and sent a messenger in ad- 
vance to apprise that monarch of his approaching 
visit. He, however, took care to inform him of 
the accusation in which the Cholulans had impli- 
cated him, but of which he professed his utter dis- 
belief—especially when the crime imputed to him 
was levelled against men from whom he had re- 
ceived no injury or offence, but who, on the con- 
trary, were advancing towards his capital in the full 
confidence of a friendly reception. He was a power- 
ful monarch, and if he entertained any hostile sen- 
timents to the Spaniards, they were convinced he 
would meet them magnanimously in the field, in- 
stead of resorting to mean and dastardly treason. 
The message closed with a declaration that the 
Spaniards stood prepared against all contingencies, 
and that they were as ready to defeat the machi- 
nations of secret enemies, as they were disposed to 
meet any valiant foe in the field of battle. 

Montezuma was, on his side, in a painful state 
of anxiety and doubt. He felt an inward repug- 
nance to allow these strangers to enter his capital, 
but yet dared not refuse his consent. The catas- 
trophe at Cholula filled him with horror and 
amazement. His first care, therefore, was to ex- 
culpate himself from any participation in the guilt 
of the Cholulans ; and, to remove every suspicion 
from the mind of Cortes, he sent him a most cor- 



HfeRNAN CORTES. 149 

dial invitation to his court.* But again his re- 
pugnance to admit the Spaniards within the city 
returned, and thus he remained for some time in 
a state of uncertainty and anxiety difficult to de- 
scribe. In the meantime Cortes had left Cholula 
on the 29th of October, and was advancing to- 
wards the capital of the Mexican empire, without 
encountering opposition. On the contrary, at every 
place he touched during his march, he was wel- 
comed by the inhabitants as a superior being, des- 
tined by the gods to rescue them from the oppres- 
sion under which they groaned. From every 
quarter Cortes received complaints of the arbi- 
trary power and vexatious deeds of Montezuma ; 
and by every person these avowals were made 
with that fearless confidence which the most timid 
assume, when conscious of addressing beings su- 
perior in power to the object of their accusation 
and their dread. 

These tokens could not fail to produce a grate- 
ful sensation in the mind of the Spanish general. 
The first symptoms of disaffection he had disco- 
vered in the Chempoallans had been to him as 
a bright ray, at which many a fond hope was 
lighted, and many a glowing speculation created ; 
but to perceive such striking evidence of discon- 
tent in the immediate vicinity of Mexico, was na- 
turally attended with a most satisfactory presage. 
An empire thus disunited and impaired in strength, 
bore within it the evidence of its own ruin. But 
whilst the chief was thus indulging in the most 
gratifying anticipations, others of a no less agree- 
able nature engrossed the minds of his followers. 

* B. Diaz. 






150 LIFE OF 

As they attained the summit of Ithualco, and be- 
held the beautiful valley of Mexico beneath ex- 
panding gradually to their view, a crowd of hopes 
and delightful reveries possessed them. It seem- 
ed as though a most brilliant reward was about 
to crown all their past troubles and privations. 
The prospect that now unfolded itself was one of 
those which nature has exhausted her riches 
to embellish and adorn. As far as the eye 
could reach, luxurious meadows and cultivated 
plantations, umbrageous forests and smiling 
plains, extended in one beautiful and inexhaust- 
ible variety. A magnificent lake, resembling the 
sea in extent, and in the placidity of its waters 
those of a silvery stream, burst majestically on the 
view, surrounded with populous towns, — whilst 
the capital of all rose from its very bosom, its lofty 
temples and glittering turrets looking to the skies. 
The Spaniards gazed with enraptured eyes on the 
splendid scene, and conceived that the golden 
dreams of romance, the graces of fairy land, were 
realized in these enchanting regions. 

But while the Spaniards were thus rapidly advan- 
cing towards the capital, Montezuma continued in 
his irresolute frame of mind. After the catastrophe 
at Cholula he had retired to the palace of Tlillan- 
calmecatl, a mansion appropriated to prayer and 
penitential sorrow. There he remained eight days, 
observing a rigid abstinence, and going through a 
course of other religious austerities, to deprecate 
the wrath of the gods. From this holy retreat 
he dispatched four persons of distinction, with 
earnest entreaties to Cortes to dissuade him from 
entering Mexico ; binding himself, at the same 
time, to pay an annual tribute to the King of Spain. 



HERNAN CORTES. lol 

As a farther inducement, he promised, in case of 
compliance, to present the Spanish general with 
four loads of gold, and one to each of his follow- 
ers.* Such dreadful apprehensions did this slender 
body of strangers infuse into the mind of the prince, 
that the absolute monarch of a vast and mighty 
empire employed every art, and descended to the 
most humble entreaties, when he might have over- 
whelmed them with his power. The messengers 
joined Cortes at Ithualco, and acquainted him with 
the wishes of Montezuma ; to which the Spanish 
general returned the usual answer. He felt duly 
grateful for the favours of so magnificent a prince, 
but he could not retrace his steps without seeing 
the Mexican monarch in person, and consulting on 
the important affairs that had brought the Spa- 
niards into regions so distant from their own. 

The disquietude of Montezuma grew now to a 
painful excitement. The priests contributed to 
augment the turmoil of his mind by the relation 
of certain ominous dreams, and other supersti- 
tious signs which had recently taken place. The 
perturbation of the Mexican sovereign became 
at length so tormenting, his fears were so pain- 
fully excited, his thoughts so various and per- 
plexing, that, without waiting for the issue of the 
last message, he called to council his brother Cuit- 
lahuatzin, the lord of Tezcuco, and a few others 
of the principal magnates of his empire, to de- 
liberate what course he was to adopt. The opi- 
nions given were precisely those which he had re- 
ceived in all his previous consultations. His bro- 
ther strenuously opposed the reception of the Spa- 

* ClavigeTO ; B. Diaz. 



152 LIFE OF 

niards, whilst the lord of Tezcuco as powerfully 
advocated a contrary resolution. In this dilemma 
Montezuma, who had uniformly inclined to the 
advice of the former, suddenly embraced the coun- 
sel of the latter; he accordingly commissioned 
that personage to meet the Spanish general, and 
to compliment him in his name. He, however, 
gave him also instructions to dissuade that chief 
from his intention, should an opportunity offer, 
with any probability of success. 

The lord of Tezcuco proceeded to his embassy 
with great pomp and ceremonial. He caused his 
approach to be announced by four noblemen. 
These messengers informed Cortes that Cacamat- 
zin, lord of Tezcuco, and nephew of the great 
Montezuma, was approaching ; and they suppli- 
cated him to wait his arrival. Soon after Caca- 
matzin appeared, carried in a splendid litter, or- 
namented with jewels, and a profusion of green 
feathers shooting from branched pillars of gold. 
This magnificent conveyance was borne by eight 
persons of distinction, who assisted the lord of 
Tezcuco to alight, and then carefully swept the 
way as he advanced towards the Spanish chief;* 
a brilliant retinue of the Mexican and Tezcucan 
nobility closed the procession. The Spaniards 
were astonished at the splendour of the sight, and 
they could not but entertain the most extraordi- 
nary idea of the wealth and opulence of Monte- 
zuma, when they reflected on the gorgeous train 
that accompanied his nephew. Cortes received 
the illustrious ambassador with every token of 
kindness and respect. Civilities were mutually 

• B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 153 

exchanged, and, after a short interview, these per- 
sonages separated, the Mexican to report the un- 
bending resolution of the strangers, and the Spa- 
niard as fixed as ever in his intention of entering 
the capital. 

The fluctuating state of Montezuma's mind con- 
tinued, and Cortes was already near the causeways 
that led into the city, before the anxious monarch 
had ultimately decided whether he should wel- 
come the Spaniards as friends, or oppose them as 
enemies. Cortes, however, proceeded in his march 
unmindful of this irresolution ; but though he af- 
fected the most cordial regard for the prince he 
came to visit, as well as the persuasion of an equal- 
ly favourable reception, he nevertheless ordered 
his plan of march with the greatest order and dis- 
cipline, nor had he been negligent in adopting 
every measure of precaution. Proceeding along 
the causeway of Iztapalapan, the Spaniards arrived 
at a place called Xoloc, where the principal road 
to Mexico and that to Cojohuacan meet. At the 
angle formed by these roads, and about the distance 
of half a league from the capital, there stood a bas- 
tion, crowned with two towers, and surrounded 
with a wall above ten feet in height. This place 
became afterwards memorable as the camp of the 
Spaniards, when they laid siege to Mexico. In 
this spot a vast concourse of people were collect- 
ed to witness the arrival of those extraordinary 
beings, who had spread such sensations of wonder 
and alarm throughout the country. Here also 
Cortes made a halt, to receive the compliments of 
a numerous train of Mexican nobles, all attired in 
their richest dresses ? and who, as they passed be* 



154 LIFE OF 

fore the Spanish commander, made a profound 
bow, touching the ground, and kissing their hands. 
After this ceremony, Cortes continued his course 
still in uncertainty, and in the same manner as if 
he were advancing against an enemy. As he drew 
near the city, however, it was announced that 
Montezuma was approaching ; and soon after the 
procession came in sight. Three officers appear- 
ed first, each holding a golden rod, which they 
lifted on high at intervals, and by which the people 
were informed of the presence of the sovereign, 
and invited to prostrate themselves in sign of re- 
spect and veneration. Montezuma was borne in a 
magnificent litter, covered with plates of gold. 
This was carried by four nobles on their shoulders, 
whilst a splendid canopy of green feathers, richly 
adorned with precious stones and golden fringes, 
offered a shade to the mighty monarch. He was 
attended by 200 noblemen, splendidly attired in 
rich mantles of cotton, and bearing large waving 
feathers on their heads. They marched two by 
two, at a respectful distance from Montezuma, 
their feet bare, their eyes fixed on the ground, and 
evincing every token of profound veneration. The 
Emperor was attired with great magnificence. 
Suspended from his shoulders hung a mantle pro- 
fusely covered with gold and gems. He wore a 
thin crown of the same metal, and gold buskins 
on his legs, studded with precious stones. When 
he drew near Cortes, he was lifted from his litter, 
and borne for a short space on the arms of the 
Lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, Tacuba, and Co- 
johuacan. Cortes dismounted, and came forward 
in an attitude of profound respect. Montezuma 
then leant on the arms of the Lords of Tezcuco and 



HERNAN CORTES. 155 

Istapalapan, whilst the other nobles spread cotton 
mantles on the ground, that so great a king might 
not touch it with his feet. Cortes addressed him 
with deep reverence, after the fashion of Europe ; 
which compliment Montezuma returned by touch- 
ing the ground and then kissing it, according to the 
manner of the country. Cortes then approached 
him, and threw around his neck a thin collar of 
gold, on which were strung glass beads of dif- 
ferent kinds. The monarch received this attention 
with gracious affability, but when the Spaniard 
made a movement to embrace him, the nobles re- 
spectfully held him back, considering this too great 
a liberty.* 

A prodigious multitude had assembled to wit- 
ness this extraordinary meeting ; not only were 
the causeways and streets filled with the crowd, 
but the doors of the dwellings, the windows, and 
even the tops of the buildings, were thronged with 
men, women, and children, who, with wondering 
eyes, beheld the ceremony, yet could scarcely 
believe it to be a reality. The complaisance and 
respectful behaviour of Montezuma towards the 
strangers, filled the Mexicans with astonishment. 
They naturally concluded that those must certain- 
ly be teules, to whom so haughty and powerful a 
monarch condescended to show such strong marks 
of his regard. This persuasion greatly contribu- 
ted to elevate the Spaniards in their opinion ; nor 
were the strangeness of the attire, the arms, horses, 
artillery, and every object which they observed, 
calculated to dissipate the delusion. On the other 
hand, the surprise and admiration of the Spaniards 

* B, Diaz ; Clavigero, 
N 



156 tIFE OF 

were powerfully excited on whatever side tbey 
chanced to turn their eyes. The vastness of the 
lake in which the city was built — the grandeur of 
that city itself — the beauty of the buildings — its 
numerous population — and the signs of wealth 
everywhere discoverable, all tended to impress 
them with a sensation of wonder and delight. 

Yet such feelings were united with others of a 
very different tendency. Reflecting on the im- 
mensity and power of that empire, into the capital 
of which they were now entering, many of the 
Spaniards could not entirely dispel a sentiment of 
dread at the temerity of their present enterprise. 
Four hundred and fifty men fearlessly plunged in- 
to the middle of a vast city, filled with a warlike 
people, of whose friendly disposition they could 
only entertain an equivocal opinion ; and this city, 
being built on an island in the middle of a lake, 
was approachable only by long causeways, inter- 
sected by various apertures — the small bridges 
thrown over which could, in a moment, be remo- 
ved, and by this means totally preclude the possi- 
bility of a retreat. The recent plot meditated at 
Cholula came also to strengthen doubt, and create 
alarm. The uniform repugnance of Montezuma 
to see the Spaniards, and the repeated warnings 
which the latter had received during their march, 
were likewise calculated to confirm any sentiment 
of distrust and fear. Nevertheless, a handful of 
men, in contempt of such obstacles, willingly pla- 
ced themselves in a situation replete with danger. 

Cortes and his companions, after marching the 
space of a mile and a half within the city, were 
conducted to a large mansion, prepared for their re- 
ception. This was a vast palace formerly inhabited 



HERNAN CORTES. 157 

by King Axajacatl, and was situated at a short 
distance from the western entrance of the princi- 
pal temple. The habitations were spacious and 
convenient, so that not only the Spaniards, but 
their Indian allies, found the most ample accom- 
modation. Montezuma took Cortes by the hand, 
and conducted him to a large hall, covered with 
tapestry, embroidered with gold and gems, in a 
fanciful and effective manner. He then took his 
leave, saying, " Malitzin, you and your compa- 
nions are now in your own house ; refresh and re- 
pose yourselves until my return."* When Mon- 
tezuma had withdrawn, the first care of Cortes was 
to examine his quarters, and take every precau- 
tion for the security of his followers. He began 
by firing a volley of all his artillery, with the view 
of intimidating the Mexicans, after which he ap- 
plied himself to put the place in a state of defence. 
He disposed a battery in front of the gate, distri- 
buted his guards in different situations, and issued 
orders, that every thing should proceed as if the 
Spaniards were facing the camp of an enemy, ra- 
ther than enjoying the hospitality of a friend.f 

Montezuma having taken his meal in his own 
palace, returned to the Spanish quarters, with the 
same pomp and attendance that had marked his 
first meeting with Cortes. He brought splendid 
presents, which he bestowed on the Spanish ge- 
neral and his followers, and which served to esta- 
blish both the generosity of the donor and the 
wealth of his empire. A long conference then 
took place between the monarch and his illustrious 

* Cortes, Relat. ; B. Diaz ; Herrera, Dec. 2. 
f B. Diaz. 



158 LIFE OF 

guest. In this Montezuma fully exposed bis views 
and opinions concerning the Spaniards. He enter- 
tained no doubt that they were the men destined 
by the gods to assume the government of the 
country, for it was not many years since his an- 
cestors came from the region of the north, and 
only ruled those dominions as the vicegerents of 
Quetzalcoatl, their great god and lawful sove- 
reign.* Cortes showed himself grateful for the 
generosity and hospitality with which he and his 
companions had been received ; but far from wish- 
ing to undeceive the monarch with regard to the 
origin and predetermined destiny of the Spaniards, 
artfully endeavoured to keep alive a delusion so 
highly conducive to the success of his designs. He 
descanted largely on the greatness and power of 
Don Carlos, his sovereign and the most powerful 
monarch of the earth ; avowing, that he came charged 
with the important mission of cementing the ties 
of alliance with the great Montezuma, as well as 
to use his best persuasion to alter and modify se- 
veral laws and usages in his empire, which were 
totally contrary to the views of justice and human- 
ity. From this he took occasion to enter into the 
subject of the Mexican religion ; its cruel super- 
stition, and the necessity of abolishing those 
frightful sacrifices which were in opposition to 
the most common dictates of nature and human- 
ity. Montezuma soon after departed, commanding 
that nothing should be wanting towards the en- 
tertainment of his guests. The utmost cordiality 
prevailed in this interview, and the two chiefs 
separated with mutual protestations of good- will. 

* Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 159 

The adventurous and memorable entry of the 
Spaniards into Mexico took place on the 8th day 
of November 1519, and seven months after their 
arrival at the country of Anahuac, known after- 
wards by the name of New Spain. 



n 2 



160 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XII. 



Description of the Mexican Capital, Sfc. 

The city of Mexico, or Tenuchtitlan, was si- 
tuated upon a small island in the lake of Tezcuco, 
about fifteen miles westward from the town of 
that name, and four to the east of Tiacopan, or 
Tacuba. Access to the capital was obtained by- 
means of three large causeways of earth and stone, 
each so spacious that ten horsemen could ride 
over them abreast. But besides these principal 
roads, there was another of smaller dimensions 
for the two aqueducts of Chapoltepec. Mexico 
measured about ten miles in circumference, and, 
at the most moderate computation, contained 
60,000 houses. The capital was divided into four 
quarters, each comprising various districts, the 
ancient names of which are still preserved among 
the Indians. But if the situation of the city was 
singular and picturesque, the effect produced by 
its construction was no less remarkable. The 
buildings were, in general, erected upon a scale of 
magnificence that excited the wonder of the Spa- 
niards. The temples of the gods, the palaces of 
Montezuma, and the mansions of bis lords and 
courtiers, were large, elevated, and adorned with 
battlements and towers, so that it would appear 



HERNAN CORTES. 161 

that the Mexicans thought it necessary to pro- 
vide a defence even to their private dwellings. 
There was a vast square called Tlateloco, which 
served as the principal market-place in the city, 
and which was stocked with a prodigious quanti- 
ty, as well as variety, of provisions and merchan- 
dize. On one side, a great number of slaves of 
both sexes were exposed for sale ; another was 
assigned for the provisions ; and here an abundant 
supply of fowls, game, fruits, vegetables, and 
pastry, were exhibited. Further were to be seen 
dealers in earthenware, and different wooden ar- 
ticles of household furniture. In fine, this vast 
place might be likened to a well-attended fair, so 
great was the number of buyers and sellers, so 
abundant and various the goods which it displayed. 
Besides the principal market-place, there were 
others of smaller importance in different parts of 
the city ; which contained, also, many fountains and 
fish-ponds, beautiful gardens, some level with the 
ground, others elevated into high terraces 8 Seve- 
ral of the streets of Mexico were broad and 
straight, intersected in many quarters by canals, 
which contributed to heighten the effect of the 
city, together with the loftiness and dazzling 
polish of the temples and other stately buildings. 
On the day following the arrival of the Spaniards 
into the city, Cortes, attended by Alvarado, San- 
doval, Velazquez de Leon, and Ordaz, paid a visit 
to Montezuma ; and the interview, which lasted a 
considerable time, showed a mutual exchange of 
civilities and cordiality. With the permission of 
the monarch, the three following days were appoint- 
ed for visiting the capital. Montezuma, however, 
apprehensive that some affront would be offered 



162 LIFE OF 

to his gods by the strangers, went himself to the 
principal temple, attended by a splendid retinue, 
and with the same ceremonial that had marked 
his reception of the Spaniards into the capital of 
his empire.* Cortes and his companions derived 
great pleasure at the novelty of the objects which 
they saw. The great square of Tiateloco excited 
their admiration no less for the quantity and vari- 
ety of the merchandize, than for the admirable 
arrangement displayed, effected, no doubt, by a 
tribunal of three judges sitting in one end of the 
square, and a competent number of officers, who 
paraded the place to examine the articles and pre- 
serve order. Having contemplated these various 
objects, Cortes proceeded to the great temple, 
through a number of large courts, paved with 
white cut stones, and enclosed by strong double 
walls. The ascent to the temple consisted of 11-i 
steps. Montezuma commissioned six priests to 
carry Cortes up ; a civility which the Spanish 
commander declined. The summit presented a 
broad platform, containing several large stones, 
which served as altars on which the victims were 
sacrificed. Not far distant stood a frightful figure, 
bearing the resemblance of a dragon, and besmeared 
with blood recently spilt. Montezuma then came 
out from an adoratory, and desired Cortes to cast 
his eyes over the city, which was seen to the 
greatest advantage from that elevated situation. 
The quantity of canoes continually passing between 
Mexico and the numerous towns on the borders of 
the lake, was really surprising. The splendour of 
the stately buildings, the crowds moving in all 

• B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 163 

directions, and the promiscuous buzz of the great 
market below, all tended to impress the Spaniards 
with an idea of the power, strength, and wealth of 
the empire which their valour or temerity had urged 
them on to subjugate. 

Having admired the beautiful prospect from this 
elevated position, Cortes expressed a desire to see 
the principal gods of the Mexicans, which were 
kept and worshipped in that temple. This request 
Montezuma graciously granted, after a previous 
consultation with the priests. The Spanish gene- 
ral and his attendants were then conducted into a 
spacious hall or saloon, the roof of which was curi- 
ously carved and ornamented. Two altars, richly 
adorned, stood in this place, and behind them rose 
two colossal figures, bearing the resemblance of 
monstrous and unwieldy men. One of these 
images represented the great Huitzilopochtli, or 
the god of war, an idol held in extraordinary vene- 
ration by the Mexicans. His countenance was 
disproportioned, and expressive of the most terri- 
ble passions. A vast quantity of precious stones 
and ornaments of gold covered his body, which 
was, besides, encircled by enormous golden ser- 
pents. He held a bow in his right hand, and his 
left grasped a bundle of arrows. His neck was 
surrounded by a collar of jewels and little symbol- 
ical heads and hearts, wrought in pure gold. By 
the side of this idol was seen a small image, carry- 
ing a lance and shield, splendidly adorned. This 
was the page of the god of war. Before Hiritzi- 
lopochtli stood a fire, in which Cortes beheld three 
human hearts burning at that moment. The feel- 
ing of horror produced by this frightful sight was 
farther heightened by the blood with which the 



164 LIFE OF 

walls and floor were profusely stained, and the 
insufferable smell that pervaded that shrine of abo- 
mination. On the left of Huitzilopochtli was 
another monstrous image, with a countenance 
greatly resembling that of a bear, and having sin- 
gularly shining eyes. This deity was called Tez- 
catlipoca, or the god of providence, and soul of the 
world.* This idol was believed to be the brother 
of, and divided with, Huitzilopochtli, the profound 
adoration of the Mexicans. An offering of five 
human hearts lay before this divinity. On the 
summit of the temple was kept the great religious 
drum. This instrument, made of the skin of a 
serpent, was of enormous size. When struck, 
the sounds which it produced were heard at the 
distance of two leagues, and they were so doleful, 
that they could not fail to excite a deep sensation 
of dread and terror. This fearful drum, the bar- 
baric strains of the horns and trumpets, the fear- 
ful display of large sacrificial knives, bleeding 
remains of human victims, and the blood-stained 
altars and walls, contributed to produce an over- 
powering feeling of horror and disgust in Cortes : 
and he turned with indignation from so barbarous 
and terrible a spectacle.^ He then addressed 
Montezuma on the subject, expressing his astonish- 
ment that so great and wise a monarch should be 
superstitious enough to adore these abominable 
idols, and so cruel as to permit this inhuman 
butchery of his subjects. Montezuma was highly 
incensed at this speech, declaring, that had he fore- 
seen that this affront would be offered to his gods, 
he would never have allowed Cortes to visit their 

* Clavigero. •(- B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 165 

sanctuary. " Go," added the indignant king, " go 
hence ! whilst I remain to appease the wrath of the 
divinities which you have justly provoked by your 
blasphemous expressions !"* 

At a short distance from the great temple there 
was a tower, containing an entrance always open 5 
like the gaping mouth of a prodigious monster, ready 
to devour the victims that came within its reach* 
At this door there were several figures of idols, re- 
sembling serpents and other hideous creatures. In 
one part of the building were to be seen piles of 
wood, and a reservoir of water supplied by the 
aqueduct of Chapoltepec. There were also pots 
of water ready to boil the flesh of the victims, that 
served for the frightful repasts of the priests. In 
one of the courts stood the tombs of the Mexi- 
can nobility ; in another, immense piles of human 
bones were curiously and regularly arranged. 
Every temple had its complete establishment of 
priests, whose outward appearance was in strict 
accordance with the gloom of those functions to 
which they were consecrated. They wore long 
black garments, their hair long and clotted with 
gore, and their ears cut and lacerated in honour 
of their divinities.-]- 

It is not surprising that the atrocious abomina- 
tions committed in these temples should excite the 
intemperate zeal of Cortes. That zeal certainly 
led him sometimes to depart from the line of pru- 
dence which so strongly characterised him ; and 
accordingly he has been deeply and often too high- 
ly censured. Some authors, in their desire to 

* Clavigero. + B. Disz. 



i.66 LIFE OF 

lower the glory of Cortes and his companions, 
have strongly dwelt on their injustice and violence 
towards the idols of the Mexicans. But this is 
precisely the worst argument they could adopt ; 
for though it cannot be defended, that a foreigner 
has a right to legislate over a strange country, still 
violent acts are only to be judged in proportion to 
the positive evil which arises from them. What 
actual evil the Mexicans endured from an attempt 
to check their sanguinary abominations, let those 
philanthropists and philosophers who are so elo- 
quent on the oppression of the Indians, determine. 
No reform, especially religious reform, was ever 
effected without some degree of violence. That 
Cortes might have employed force prematurely, 
cannot be denied ; but while his impolicy is liable 
to censure, his feelings cannot be blamed, since 
the result of his imprudence was to his own 
manifest disadvantage. Had Cortes accompanied 
his missionary zeal with acts of personal violence, 
his conduct would have been unjustifiable ; but, 
being limited only to the demolition of the idols, 
though it may be reprehended as intemperate, it 
by no means deserves the furious animadversions 
with which it has been visited. 

Religious fanaticism was, in that age, we might 
say almost universal. Each creed, each sect, con- 
sidered itself bound by every means to propagate 
its own doctrines and peculiar form of worship ; 
and each endeavoured to signalize its zeal, not on- 
ly through the medium of persuasion, but by actual 
force and persecution. Thus, at an epoch when 
Calvin was burning Servetus in Geneva, when 
Huss suffered in Prague, and Europe was divided 



HERNAN CORTES. 161 

into religious bodies all hostile to each other, it 
ought not to excite such prodigious wonder that 
Cortes, at the sight of the sanguinary idolatry of 
America, should have evinced a violent zeal to 
check its cruelties, and to propagate the Christian 
faith. 



168 LIITE Of 



CHAPTER XIII. 



The Spaniards seize Montezuma, and lead him to 
their Quarters. 

We would suppose that Hernan Cortes bad now 
attained the summit of his desires. He had pene- 
trated into the capital of a vast empire ; he was 
treated by Montezuma with every mark of dis- 
tinction and regard, and considered by his subjects 
as a divinity who had the terrors of thunder and 
strange monsters at his disposal. The success which 
had hitherto crowned his efforts in battle seem- 
ed a favourable omen of his fortune for the future. 
The devotion of his troops, joined to that magna- 
nimity which they had so conspicuously displayed, 
might have induced him to consider them capable 
of sustaining the severest trials — of attempting the 
most daring enterprises. But very different senti- 
ments occupied the mind of the Spanish command- 
er. Though impetuous in his courage, and en- 
dowed with singular perseverance, he was neither 
blind to danger, nor would he wantonly despise it. 
When the first powerful sensation natural upon 
his arrival at Mexico had subsided, the dazzling 
splendour of the achievement did not prevent his 
searching eye from penetrating the cloud that 
bounded a future horizon. He plainly saw the 
perilous nature of his present situation. He was 



HERNAN CORTES, 169 

t swallowed up in the centre of a populous city, 
the peculiarity of whose situation afforded matter 
for the most alarming anticipations. By the simple 
destruction of the causeways, he would be caught 
ia a snare from which every hope of escape was 
precluded. The Tlascalans had continually dis- 
suaded him from reposing any trust in Monte- 
zuma ; and they at last informed him, that this 
prince had, by the advice of his priests, permitted 
the entrance of the Spaniards into the capital, in 
order to destroy them with perfect security.* The 
Mexican monarch had, indeed, treated him with 
kindness and respect ; but would he be justified in 
relying too confidently on the sincerity of these 
professions ? Might they not serve as a specious 
mantle to cover a treacherous design ? Those glit- 
tering gifts and smiling words were perhaps like 
the flowers that bloom on the borders of a yawning 
precipice, tempting the traveller to his own de- 
struction. Even admitting that the friendly count- 
enance of Montezuma was dictated by feeling, 
and directed by truth, was not this favourable sen- 
timent liable to change, or subject to caprice ? 
Might not a sudden gust of passion — a moment- 
ary wrong — or pernicious advice, decide the fate 
of the Spaniards before they had time to ward off 
the impending blow? 

These thoughts pressed strongly on, and produ- 
ced intense anxiety in, the mind of Cortes. But he 
had another reason to confirm his apprehensions, 
and make him doubt the sincerity of Montezu- 
ma. This was intelligence which he had received 
from the colony at Villa Rica. Quauhpopoca, lord 

* Cortes, Relat. 



170 LIFE OF 

of Nauhtlan, a city situated on the coast, and 
one of the Mexican generals, had received secret 
instructions from Montezuma to attack the rebel 
Totonacas, and reduce them to subjection as soon 
as Cortes had withdrawn from those territories. 
This chief accordingly began to make excursions 
into the various settlements of those Indians, inflict- 
ing a severe punishment for their revolt. The To- 
tanacas, in this emergency, implored the assistance 
of their Spanish allies at Villa Rica. Juan de 
Escalante, the governor, sent a message to Quauh- 
popoea, requiring him to desist from his hostili- 
ties ; to which the Mexican general returned an 
answer in no measured terms — That should the 
Spaniards be disposed to embrace the cause of the 
Totanocas, he was ready to decide the contest in 
the plains of Nauhtlan. Escalante forthwith took 
the field at the head of fifty Spaniards, two horses, 
two small pieces of cannon, and an army of two 
thousand Totonacas. These Indians, however, at 
the first charge of the Mexicans, were thrown 
into disorder, and the greater number betook 
themselves to flight. Escalante and his compa- 
nions continued the battle with undiminished va- 
lour, despite of the cowardice of their allies. The 
awful sound of the artillery in a short time com- 
pelled the Mexicans to retreat to Nauhtlan. The 
Spaniards pursued the enemy, causing a great 
slaughter amongst them ; but though they were 
victorious in the end, this triumph was not obtain- 
ed without a considerable loss. Seven Spaniards, 
and one horse, perished in this engagement : but 
what added to the calamity, was the death of Es- 
calante, who expired of his wounds three days 
after the conflict. A Spaniard of prodigious bo- 



HERNAN CORTES. 171 

dily strength, having a large head and terrific 
countenance, was taken alive ; and the Mexicans 
already congratulated themselves upon a capture 
so important for their sacrifices, when the soldier 
died of his wounds. His head was, however, se- 
vered from the body, and sent as a trophy to 
Montezuma, after being paraded through various 
cities, to convince the inhabitants that the Spa- 
niards were neither immortal nor invincible. It 
appears that Cortes had received this disastrous 
intelligence previous to his departure from Cho- 
lula, but that he had kept the event a strict secret 
from his followers, lest it might tend to discourage 
them, and offer a check to the progress of the ex- 
pedition.* 

The circumstance was, however, a matter of 
deep disquietude in his present situation ; for he 
could neither remain in Mexico without danger, 
nor retreat from it without disgrace. A series of 
events had conducted him to the capital. His own 
reckless valour, and the success of his former ac- 
tions, had impelled him to a step which he was now 
inclined to consider as the result of temerity. 
Various trifling circumstances which, on other oc- 
casions, would scarcely have deserved his notice, 
now excited the most fearful suspicions. He cau- 
sed some of his most devoted Indians to be secret- 
ly introduced to him, and enquired of them if they 
had observed any symptoms of evil purpose 
amongst the Mexicans. The answer which they 
returned was not calculated to calm his appre- 
hensions. Though the mass of the people were 
described as being either occupied in the public re- 

* Cortes, Relat. 
o2 






172 LIFE OF 

joicings, or pursuing their usual avocations, yet 
the deportment of the nobles, as well as their looks, 
indicated that their minds were engrossed with 
some important speculation. Several of them had 
been overheard to say, that it would be an easy task 
to break down the bridges on the causeway. It was 
also reported that Montezuma, after having seen the 
head of a Spaniard sent to him by Quauhpopoca, 
ordered it to be taken away, and seemed very so- 
licitous that the circumstance should be kept secret 
from Cortes. 

The Spanish general, by an impartial examina- 
tion of these various circumstances, soon concluded 
that his suspicions were just, and that any delay in 
providing a remedy against the danger would ar- 
gue a blinded folly. Under this impression, Cortes 
retired to his apartment, where he spent the 
whole night walking to and fro in a mood of pain- 
ful agitation.* A crowd of thoughts pressed on 
his mind, but he discarded them as unequal to the 
extremity of the present occasion. The very fer- 
tility of his genius seemed inimical to the matu- 
ring of an efficient and feasible plan, for it pre- 
sented at the same time both the remedy and its 
dangers, which tended to perplex the speculations 
of the chief. His talents were now called into 
uncommon exertion, and his magnanimity was 
subjected to a rigorous trial. His heart revolted 
from the idea of retreat. He knew that the suc- 
cess of the enterprise most materially depended 
upon preserving that high opinion, which the In- 
dians had formed of the superiority of his power. 
A slight token of irresolution, an evanescent 
symptom of timidity, might awake Montezuma 
from his delusion — encourage him to dare, perhaps 

* Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 173 

enable him to achieve, the destruction of his ene- 
mies. An indication of weakness on his part would 
arouse the whole empire — a single spark would 
kindle a general conflagration. Nothing, therefore, 
could obviate the danger, but a measure prompt, 
vigorous, and uncommon. After revolving in his 
mind a thousand plans, he at last fixed on one, da- 
ring in the conception, and most perilous in the 
execution ; but which, if carried into effect, would 
entirely disentangle him from his present difficult 
position. It was nothing less than to seize Monte- 
zuma, and conduct him to the Spanish quarters. 

From this desperate plan, even the powerful 
mind of Cortes recoiled for a moment — even his 
bold heart felt a shudder. He well foresaw the 
extremity of the danger to be incurred, and the 
necessary hardihood and craft required for so ha- 
zardous an undertaking. But he carefully discard- 
ed from his imagination every doubt that arose in 
opposition to his design. Even supposing he should 
fail in his attempt, and involve himself and follow- 
ers in destruction, still their fate would be more 
glorious, and more in accordance with the former 
actions of the Spaniards, than any other issue they 
could expect from less magnanimous conduct. 
To be destroyed by treason, or to be cut down in 
a retreat, were the dark alternatives that offered 
themselves to Cortes; and to these he unhesitating- 
ly preferred a glorious end, in one of the boldest 
attempts ever recorded in history. On the other 
hand, should his enterprise succeed, he knew, that 
in the person of Montezuma he would possess the 
most effectual guarantee for the subordination of his 
subjects. So sacred a pledge would at once render 
the Mexicans slow to undertake any design which 



1*74 LIFE OF 

might place in jeopardy the life of their great 
master, and, in a measure, secure the Spaniards 
against their attacks. 

The next morning Hernan Cortes assembled his 
officers, and some of those soldiers whose valour, 
services, or devoted zeal, entitled them to hold a 
place in his councils. He then proceeded to paint, 
in the most glowing colours, the imminent dangers 
of their position, the little trust which they could 
repose in Montezuma, and the strong reasons 
which they had to anticipate some treason. To 
corroborate this statement, he dwelt emphatically 
on the disastrous affair at Villa Rica, detailing 
every circumstance connected with it which went 
to establish his belief in the duplicity of the Mexi- 
cans. He further enumerated the various symptoms 
of inimical design, observable during the last two 
days amongst the inhabitants ; the depositions of the 
Tlascalan allies ; the suspicious conduct of the no- 
bles ; and the curtailment which they had experi- 
enced in their provisions.* Having explained these 
incidents, and expressed the fears which they na- 
turally justified, he then in a firm, confiding tone, 
unfolded the extraordinary expedient which he 
had in contemplation. The announcement of so 
rash a design was followed by that diversity of 
thought and of emotion which Cortes had, no 
doubt, anticipated, and for which he came prepa- 
red. The opinions were much divided. Some 
considered the proposal of the general as imprac- 
ticable, and certain to provoke the complete de- 
struction of the Spaniards. Others declared it 
would be far more prudent and advantageous to 

I B. Diaz. 



HEENAN CORTES. 175 

take a friendly leave of Montezuma, and retrace 
their steps to Villa Rica. But there were also 
several who entertained the opinion of their chief. 
The impetuous Velazquez de Leon, and the faith- 
fully-devoted Sandoval, strongly advocated the 
more decided measure. The debate lasted some 
time, and the result was, that the members which 
composed that singular council came to an una- 
nimous determination of adopting the proposal of 
the general. 

Here the mind pauses for a moment to reflect on 
every circumstance of this extraordinary transac- 
tion. Imagination has some difficulty to conceive 
how twelve or fifteen men could seriously discuss, 
and unanimously approve, the seizure of a mighty 
monarch, in the midst of his capital, and sur- 
rounded by thousands of warriors, who considered 
him as an object of almost superhuman veneration. 
But the measure being determined on, it was 
also judged advisable to put it into immediate exe- 
cution. The arrangements which Cortes made 
for this attempt, bespoke at once his sagacity and 
the magnitude of the affair. He could not proceed 
to the palace of Montezuma with all his forces, 
without exciting a degree of suspicion which would 
render success unattainable ; much less could he 
rashly venture upon a violent attack. Still a cer- 
tain number of resolute and devoted men were 
indispensable in a case of such extremity. The 
selection of these men, and the artful means by 
which he was to bring them to the palace without 
awakening curiosity, or exciting alarm, next occu- 
pied his thoughts. He chose Alvarado, Sandoval, 
Velazquez de Leon, Lugo, and Davila, the five 
Spaniards of whose determined courage he had 



176 LIFE OF 

received the greatest proofs, and in whose devo- 
tion he could repose the utmost confidence, to be 
his near companions in the dangers and glory of 
this memorable enterprise. These were to be 
attended by five soldiers of equally tried valour, 
and the same acknowledged merit.* Twenty-five 
chosen men were to follow, not in a body, but 
sauntering, and at intervals, as if they had been 
led to the spot by the effect of chance. The troops, 
both Spanish and Tlascalan, were placed under the 
command of Christoval de Olid and Diego de Or- 
daz, with strict instructions to keep themselves in 
readiness, and to sally forth at the first alarm. 

These arrangements being concluded, Cortes and 
his companions proceeded to the palace, and were 
admitted without suspicion, as they had been on 
former occasions. After the first compliments, the 
Spanish commander began, in an austere and reso- 
lute tone ; to complain bitterly to Montezuma of 
the conduct of his general Quauhpopoca, at Villa 
Rica. He expressed his astonishment that the 
Mexican monarch, who had always exhibited such 
apparent friendship for the Spaniards, should have 
issued orders clandestinely for their destruction. 
He enlarged on the ravages committed by Quauh- 
popoca in the country of the Totonacas, and char- 
ged Montezuma himself with having been not 
only privy to the treachery of the Cholulans, but 
its principal contriver. He added, that motives of 
respect and prudence had hitherto restrained him 
from touching upon that painful subject, but know- 
ing now that a new plot was in contemplation 

* Bernal Diaz del Castillo, the narrator of this daring 
transaction, was one of these. 



HERNAN CORTES. Ill 

against the Spaniards, it was his duty to adopt the 
most efficient measures for the security of his fol- 
lowers.* When Doiia Marina and Aguilar ex- 
plained to Montezuma the nature of the complaint 
and the accusation urged against him by Cortes, 
that monarch was thrown into terror and amaze- 
ment. For some time he remained silent, as if 
overwhelmed by so unexpected a charge ; and he 
changed colour, either from conscious guilt, or from 
a sense of the indignity offered to his person. Re- 
covering, however, from the first emotion, he so- 
lemnly declared his innocence of the accusation ; he 
denied having given orders to Quaulipopoca to pro- 
ceed against the Spaniards ; and, as a proof of his 
sincerity, he took from his wrist the signet of Hu- 
itzilopochtli- — a token which he employed in cases 
of importance — and delivered it to one of his offi- 
cers, with strict commands to bring without delay 
the offending general to Mexico.^ Cortes affected 
to be pleased, and duly grateful for this determi- 
nation, and accordingly expressed his conviction 
that so great a monarch could not have practised a 
vile deception ; and that, in his own mind, his inno- 
cence was fully established. But he continued, in 
the same tone, that something else was necessary 
to calm the apprehensions of the Spaniards ; they 
were alarmed, and might be tempted to some des- 
perate act, in order to secure their safety. To con- 
vince them, therefore, that he entertained no other 
sentiments but those of friendship and peace, and 
as a proof, also, of his own confidence, it was in- 
dispensable that he should quit his palace, and re- 

* B. Diaz. -\ Ibid. ; Clavigero. 



ITS LIFE OF 

move to the Spanish quarters for some time. The 
mention of so extraordinary a demand could not fail 
to produce a corresponding sensation in the breast 
of Montezuma. At first he appeared deprived of 
speech, and bereaved of motion. He stared in va- 
cant amazement on the man who had the audacity 
to make so strange a proposition ; but a feeling of 
injury giving power to his utterance, he soon ex- 
claimed, in a proud and indignant tone, that he 
would not subject himself to such humiliation— 
that the monarchs of Mexico were not accustomed 
to render themselves prisoners of their own accord 
— and that even in case he were base enough to 
comply, his subjects would never permit such a 
degradation! Cortes then exerted all his eloquence 
in explaining the necessity of this measure ; he 
affected surprise that Montezuma should consider 
himself a prisoner by taking up his residence in 
the Spanish quarters, for he would there be treated 
with the same respect, and receive the same at- 
tentions, he was accustomed to experience in his 
court. He added, that, far from the tenant of a 
prison, the Mexican monarch was only to remove 
to one of his own palaces, even that of his decea- 
sed father, Axajacatl ; and that the step, there- 
fore, could neither excite the surprise, nor the 
alarm, of his subjects.* But Montezuma was nei- 
ther convinced by the arguments, nor persuaded 
by the expostulations, of the Spanish general. He 
persisted strenuously in his refusal, and a consider- 
able time was spent in fruitless discussion. Cortes 
perceived the danger of delay ; his companions also 

* Clavieero, 



HERNAN CORTES. 179 

grew both impatient at the firmness of the mo- 
narch, and apprehensive that bis subjects might 
collect in such numbers as not only to defeat their 
object, but effect their destruction. The crisis ar- 
rived. Arguments could not convince, remon- 
strances persuade, nor threats intimidate. In this 
emergency, Velazquez de Leon, an impetuous and 
daring young officer, cried in a resolute voice, 
" Why should we waste more time in words ? He 
must yield himself our prisoner, or we will forth- 
with stab him to the heart ! Let us secure our 
j lives, or perish at once !"* The fierce voice 
and threatening manner of Velazquez de Leon 
powerfully struck Montezuma. He enquired of 
Dona Marina what that Spaniard meant by so 
violent a deportment ; to which the sagacious fe- 
male answered, with equal mildness as discretion, 
" Prince, I am your subject, and am anxious for 
your safety ; but, as the confident of those stran- 
gers, I have a perfect knowledge of their charac- 
ter. Condescend to their request, and you will 
be treated by them with all possible consideration 
— resist their intentions, and they will not scruple 
to take away your life/'-J- 

Montezuma was so far overawed by the reso- 
lute manner of the Spaniards, and so intimidated 
by the words of Doiia Marina, that he attempted 
no further opposition to their demand. He was 
aware that they had now proceeded too far to re- 
treat ; that but little time more would be lost in 
idle threats. He accordingly gave his consent. 
j" Let us, then, depart to your quarters," he said ; 

* B. Diaz, f Ibid. ; Clavigero ; Solis. 

P 



180 LIFE OF 

" the gods have decreed it so, and I intrust my- 
self to your honour." Cortes offered him every 
possible assurance of attention and respect ; and 
the unfortunate monarch, with a breaking heart, 
resigned himself to his fate. But the Spanish 
commander carried his audacity still farther. He 
required of his captive to signify to his officers 
that he removed to the Spanish quarters, not 
through compulsion, but with pleasure. Monte- 
zuma having conceded the first demand, found no 
difficulty in complying with this additional indig- 
nity. His courtiers were summoned, and the in- 
tentions of their monarch announced. They were 
amazed, but offered not to question the decision 
of the great Montezuma. He was placed in his 
magnificent litter of state, and carried in silent 
pomp and sorrow to the palace of his father. The 
Mexicans, upon the first announcement of this 
strange event, burst into mournful exclamations 
and horrid threats against the Spaniards, who 
they imagined were carrying away their monarch. 
However, when he appeared in his litter, sur- 
rounded by his officers, and waving his hand to 
his people in token of command, the tumult was ap- 
peased, and everyone silently dispersed.* " Thus/' 
says Robertson, " was a powerful prince seized 
by a few strangers in the midst of his capital, at 
noon- day, and carried off as a prisoner, without 
opposition or bloodshed. History contains nothing 
parallel to this event, either with respect to the 
temerity of the attempt, or the success of the exe- 
cution; and were not all the circumstances of this 

• Cortes, Relat.; B f Diaz ; Gornara : Clavigs.ro. 



HERN AN CORTES. 181 

extraordinary transaction authenticated by the 
most unquestionable evidence, they would appear 
so wild and extravagant, as to go far beyond the 
bounds of that probability which must be preser- 
ved even in fictitious narrations/' 



182 LIFE OF 



CHAR XIV. 



Execution, of the Mexican General, and Humiliation 
of Montezuma. 

The manner of living of Montezuma in his ho- 
norary prison, did not differ from that to which 
he had been accustomed in his own court, He 
was treated with the usual state and ceremonial, 
and attended by the same persons. His ministers 
and chiefs had free admittance to his presence, 
and the affairs of government proceeded as if no 
change had taken place. His dinners were served 
up with great pomp by his principal nobles, and 
conducted upon a scale of uncommon prodigality. 
Montezuma partook of some of his favourite dishes, 
and then sent the rest of the banquet to the Spa- 
nish soldiers. He soon became not only recon- 
ciled to his present mode of life, but even pleased 
with the company of his masters. He took special 
delight in those of the Spaniards whom he con- 
sidered superior to the rest in birth, manners, and 
abilities. But his favourites were Cortes himself, 
on whom he looked with much respect, and Pedro 
de Alvarado, whose graceful person, pleasing ad- 
dress, and turn for gaiety and humour, rendered 
his society peculiarly attractive. With this cap- 
tain and Cortes, Montezuma used often to play at 



HERNAN CORTES. 183 

a game called bodoque, and whenever he gained, 
I he bestowed his winnings on the Spanish soldiers. 
Cortes evinced great eagerness that the illustri- 
ous prisoner should be treated with the most pro- 
found respect ; and on a certain occasion, he or- 
dered one of bis men to be severely scourged, be- 
cause he uttered some rude words against that 
monarch. Indeed, the Spanish general used every 
exertion to render the confinement of Montezuma 
not only endurable, but agreeable ; and he suc- 
ceeded in obtaining such an influence over him, 
that the monarch actually appeared to be fondly 
attached to the authors of his degradation. He 
received permission to visit his temples, and go to 
the chase, with a sort of childish pleasure, and 
he showed a lively gratitude for this use of liberty, 
though in his excursions he was invariably accom- 
panied by a strong detachment of Spaniards. Such 
is the ascendency which a master-mind, allied to 
fearless conduct, will acquire even over powerful 
men, and so vast the influence of habit and ne- 
cessity in reconciling even the haughty to humi- 
liation ! Strange to relate, Montezuma was not 
only prodigal of his treasure toward his enemies, 
but he even bestowed upon them two of his daugh- 
ters in marriage.* 

But this seeming cordiality existing between 
the captive monarch and the Spaniards, was soon 
to be disturbed by a most melancholy event, which 
rendered the wretched Montezuma alive to the 
depth of his humiliation, and sensible of the extent 
of his misfortune. Fifteen days had now elapsed 
since the imprisonment of the king, when Quauh- 

* B. Diaz. ; Clavigero. 

p2 



184 LIFE OF 

popoca, his son, and several other nobles, who had 
been implicated in the attack against Escalante, 
were brought prisoners to Mexico. Quauhpopoca 
was carried in a splendid litter, and presented him- 
self before his sovereign, with the respectful con- 
fidence of a faithful servant who had done nothing 
to merit the disapprobation of his master ; but, 
to his utter confusion, he was received with indig- 
nant haughtiness by Montezuma, and immediate- 
ly delivered up to Cortes, that he might be tried, 
and his punishment awarded. Quauhpopoca and 
his accomplices were examined, and, upon being 
threatened with the torture, they reluctantly con- 
fessed, that what they had performed was in obe- 
dience to the orders of Montezuma. A Spanish 
court-martial condemned Quauhpopoca, and three 
other chiefs, to be burnt alive.* Cortes came to 
announce this sentence to the Mexican king, sig- 
nifying that he had been accused by the culprits 
as the author of the whole transaction for which 
they were to suffer ; that, in consideration of his 
late acts of kindness and submissive conduct, his 
life was spared, but that he should not expect that 
his participation in guilt should pass entirely unre- 
quited. Upon this a Spanish soldier came forward, 
carrying a pair of fetters, which Cortes, turning 
abruptly to depart, ordered, in a stern tone, to be 
immediately placed on the legs of the unfortunate 
monarch .*(• 

The stupefaction and horror of Montezuma at this 
outrage, seemed at first to bereave him of all power 
of sensation. He remained some time in a state of 



* B. Diaz ; Clavigero says they were fifteen in number. 
f Ibid. ; Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 185 

apathy ; but considering this indignity to his per- 
son as a certain omen of his approaching death, he 
at length broke out into bitter complaints and la- 
mentations, His disconsolate attendants, in speech- 
less sorrow, bathed his feet with tears, whilst they 
held the fetters in their hands, that they might by 
this means lessen the weight upon their unfortu- 
nate master. This extraordinary act had scarcely 
been executed, when Cortes hastened to perform 
another, still more daring and arrogant. A large 
fire was kindled in front of Montezuma's palace, 
and to this Quauhpopoca and three of his accom- 
plices were conducted, amidst the horror and 
amazement of a vast multitude, overawed by the 
magnitude and singularity of the execution. The 
fuel employed on this occasion was composed of 
a vast quantity of bows, arrows, darts, and other 
weapons, which Cortes had prudently taken away 
from the armoury, thus to lessen the power of his 
enemies. Quauhpopoca and his companions were 
consumed in a short time, in the presence of an 
immense concourse of Mexicans, who beheld this 
doom inflicted on a brave general, by a handful of 
strangers, who might have been instantly over- 
powered by their numbers. But they concluded 
that this execution was performed with the sanc- 
tion, and by the order, of Montezuma, and under 
this impression, they dared not offer the slightest 
opposition to the act.* 

This dreadful punishment being inflicted, Cor- 
tes, attended by Alvarado and other officers, re- 
paired immediately to Montezuma, and taking 
^way the fetters with his own hands, gave him the 

* Cortes, Relat. ; Clavigero. 



186 LIFE OF 

strongest assurances of reconciliation and attach- 
ment. The wretched monarch was so broken down 
in spirit, so humiliated by suffering, that, instead 
of repelling these advances with indignant pride, 
he blushed not to receive them with unmanly joy. 
He suddenly passed from the extreme of dejec- 
tion to an extravagant pleasure, and testified a 
lively gratitude to Cortes for the boon of that life 
which was no longer worth preserving. The Spa- 
nish general, with that profound policy which was 
the predominant feature in his mind, now resolved 
to improve the extraordinary ascendency which he 
had, by an unparalleled series of deep schemes and 
daring acts, acquired over his illustrious captive. 
He caused his guard to withdraw, and even inform- 
ed him that he was at liberty, and might return to 
his own mansion. This offer, however, was made 
with little risk of its being accepted, for Monte- 
zuma was conscious he could not at present leave 
the Spanish quarters without personal danger, well 
knowing that he had offended his subjects by his 
self-abasement to the Spaniards.* 

The execution of Quauhpopoca, and the extra- 
ordinary circumstances with which it was attend- 
ed, afford much matter for debate. It would be 
an arduous task to penetrate into the true motives 
that prompted Cortes to venture upon measures 
at once so perilous and wild. Completely to blame 
his conduct, would perhaps be as rash as readily 
to approve. The act in itself was cruel and atro- 
cious, and therefore reprehensible in the eyes of 
humanity, but the degree of its necessity must de- 
cide how far it was excusable. Cortes was not san- 

* ClaTJgero. 



HERNAN CORTES, 187 

guinary by nature ; and though his adventurous ca- 
reer presents many a rigorous deviation, upon a ma- 
ture examination of the matter, not one fact will be 
found to be the offspring of caprice or wanton fero- 
city. The success which had attended the boldest 
attempts, encouraged Cortes to improve his advan- 
tage. It was an important point to keep alive, by 
every effort, that opinion concerning the origin and 
nature of the Spaniards which superstition and ig- 
norance had suggested to the Mexicans. Nothing 
could more awfully strike the latter with the de- 
gree of guilt attached to the death of a Spaniard, 
than the dreadful punishment which attended its 
commission. 

But the death of Quauhpopoca, and the humi- 
liation of Montezuma, at length aroused some of 
the more brave of the Mexicans to a sense of their 
degradation, and awoke in them a desire of vindi- 
cating their honour. Cacamatzin, Lord of Alco- 
huacan, no longer able to brook the audacity of 
the Spaniards, and ashamed of the pusillanimity 
of his uncle Montezuma, summoned the nobles at 
Tezcuco, who, with a few exceptions, agreed to 
his proposal of declaring war against the strangers. 
Cortes became uneasy at these symptoms of awa- 
kened courage ; for he well knew how disastrous 
and headstrong in its effects is the reaction of men 
once timid and oppressed. He was sensible that 
their resolution rises in proportion to their former 
apathy, and that the violence of hate is generally 
commensurate to the extent of wrongs sustained. 
Nor was Montezuma entirely at ease, for strange 
rumours circulated that Cacamatzin entertained 
the project of seizing upon that crown which the 
leagured Mexicans considered their present sove- 



188 LIFE OF 

reign no longer worthy of wearing. Montezuma 
sent an imperious order to his nephew to desist 
from his designs, and Cortes also dispatched a mes- 
sage to forbid the haughty prince from continuing 
his preparations. But Cacamatzin returned a proud 
answer, indicative of his fixed resolution, treating 
the Spaniards as the enemies of his country, to 
whom he would not be reconciled, and by whom 
he could no longer be deceived or intimidated. 
He advised them, therefore, to leave Mexico, and 
retrace their steps to their own country, unless 
they preferred to brave the storm which was rea- 
dy to burst over their heads. 

Cortes, alarmed at this undaunted determina- 
tion, prepared, with equal resolution, to march 
against the enemy ; but he was dissuaded from 
adopting this course by Montezuma, who repre- 
sented to him the vast danger and great difficul- 
ties of attacking so strong a city as Tezcuco, 
which was accounted the second in the whole 
Mexican empire. The monarch invited his ne- 
phew to proceed to the capital to an interview, 
when he hoped that every difference would be 
adjusted. Cacamatzin, however, was highly in- 
dignant that his uncle should evince more interest 
for those strangers, from whom he had received 
so many wrongs, than for his own subjects and 
relations, who were now preparing to chastise such 
injuries. He accordingly returned an answer ex- 
pressive at once of resolution and scorn, vowing 
he would repair to Mexico, not to waste time in 
idle meetings, but to cancel, with the destruction 
of the Spaniards, the miseries and dishonour of 
his country.'* 

* CJavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 189 

Montezuma was hurt at the proud and inde- 
pendent bearing of Lis nephew, whom he now re- 
solved to make his prisoner. He accordingly gave 
his signet, with private instructions, to some of 
his nobles, to seize clandestinely his rebel nephew, 
and bring him forthwith to the capital. This plan 
succeeded ; Cacamatzin was secured and conduct- 
ed to the presence of his offended relative, who, 
after severely reprimanding the prince for his dis- 
obedience, placed him immediately at the disposal 
of Cortes. Measures were then taken to bestow 
the principality of Tezcuco on Cuitcuitzcatzin, who 
was soon after sent with a splendid retinue to take 
possession of that government which his courage- 
ous brother had now exchanged for the solitude 
of a prison. Thus was a storm, which so imminent- 
ly threatened the safety of the Spaniards, not only 
averted without bloodshed by the very person whom 
they had reason to consider their bitterest enemy, 
but, what was still more fortunate, the failure of 
Cacamatzin's attempt tended to strengthen their 
power, by increasing the subserviency of Monte- 
zuma, and the superstitious terror of his subjects. 

Such an accumulation of successful attempts 
and fortunate escapes from danger — so close and 
singular an alliance between courage, policy, and 
fortune- — elated the mind of Cortes, and inspired 
his daring heart to proceed in this unparalleled ca- 
reer. He continued to direct the councils of Mon- 
tezuma, and, under the sanction of his name, to 
exercise a complete influence over the kingdom. 
He had so industriously paved the way for his fu- 
ture plans, that he no longer hesitated to attempt 
the execution of a measure which he had been 
deeply revolving in his mind. This was the so- 



190 LIFE Of 

lemn acknowledgment of the jurisdiction of the 
Spanish crown over the dominions of the Mexican 
monarch. He accordingly required of Montezuma 
to declare himself feudatory to the king of Castile, 
and to subject his territories to an annual tribute in 
token of dependence. This extraordinary propo- 
sition, the most humiliating, the most galling that 
can be made to an independent prince, the cap- 
tive monarch had not the resolution to reject. He 
convened all the lords feudatory to his power, as 
well as all the leading personages of his kingdom. 
These chiefs assembled in a large hall of the Spanish 
quarters, where their unfortunate master explained 
to them, in a long harangue, the strange requisition 
which was now to crown his loss of liberty and 
independence. He recalled to their minds the 
traditions and prophecies concerning the reversion 
of the Mexican empire to the sons of Quetzalcoatl, 
to whom he and his predecessors had only acted in 
the capacity of viceroys. He then added, that from 
the singular circumstances that attended the arri- 
val of the Spaniards, their greatness, and uncon- 
querable power, he had no doubt that they were 
the promised race foretold in the ancient oracles. 
He, therefore, was ready to recognise the title of 
the king of Spain over the Mexican dominions, 
and would declare himself the tributary of that 
crown. Whilst unfolding this extraordinary de- 
termination, Montezuma gave evident proofs that 
his sense of offended dignity was not totally ex- 
tinguished. Broken as his spirit was, and fa- 
miliarized with humiliation, this last sacrifice 
was not consummated without painful tokens of 
its magnitude and extent. Sobs and tears fre- 
quently interrupted the monarch as he proceeded 



HERNAN CORTES. 191 

to announce to his own subjects, that he was no 
longer the absolute prince they had once obeyed, 
but the feudatory lord of another sovereign more 
powerful. The chiefs and magnates of the Mexi- 
can empire listened to this declaration in silent 
sorrow. A suppressed murmur of resentment 
ran through the assembly, but the feelings of of- 
fended pride and affliction soon gave way to the 
suggestions of dread and superstition, and they 
at length acceded to the instructions of their 
master. 

Montezuma then informed Cortes that, on the 
following day, he and his tributary lords would 
solemnly tender their allegiance to the King of 
Spain. The act of homage acccordingly took 
place at the appointed time, with all those formal- 
ities which were judged necessary for the occa- 
sion. The ceremony was performed in the pre- 
sence of all the Spanish officers, and many of the 
soldiers ; all of whom, as they beheld the distress 
and emotion exhibited by the monarch during the 
act, evinced strong signs of being powerfully af- 
fected.* Cortes then testified his deep acknow- 
ledgments to Montezuma and his nobles for their 
submission, solemnly declaring that his king had 
no intention of depriving their present monarch 
of his dominions, but, on the contrary, that his 
authority would extend to those regions which 
the Spaniards might conquer in the sequel. 

Having thus induced the Mexican sovereign to 
recognise the jurisdiction of Spain, Cortes's next 
care was to persuade him to present a contribu- 
tion of gold and silver as a tribute due to the king 

• Cortes, Relat, B. Diaz ; Gomara, Cron.; Clavigero. 
Q 



192 LIFE OF 

of that country. Montezuma readily acceded to 
this request, and, with true munificence, deliver- 
ed up to his new sovereign abundant tokens of his 
generosity ; at the same time issuing orders to all 
his tributary lords, to send to Mexico their quotas 
of the contribution. Twenty days after, all the 
treasure contributed by these various lords, as 
well as the presents bestowed by Montezuma, 
together with the silver and gold gathered in 
some excursion of the Spaniards, were collected in 
Mexico. The soldiers were impatient for a divi- 
sion ; and accordingly Cortes, having caused the 
precious metal to be melted down, proceeded to 
make a distribution, which he considered in strict 
equity. The total sum collected, setting apart the 
jewels, amounted to six hundred thousand pesos, or 
dollars. A fifth of the gross mass was to be the 
king's share, and that of Cortes amounted to the 
same. A deduction was then made towards de- 
fraying the expenses incurred by Velazquez, Cortes, 
and others, in fitting out the armament for the 
conquest. The rest was divided among the army, 
including the settlement in Vera Cruz, according 
to the rank each person held. The sum, there- 
fore, which fell to the share of each soldier, was far 
from answering to the sanguine expectations which 
they had been induced to entertain, which gave rise 
to many murmurs and complaints. The sum allot- 
ted to the King of Spain, who had not the least 
share either in the expense, or the success, the 
dangers, or the privations, of the expedition, ap- 
peared out of all proportion ; nor was that of Cortes 
exempt from its concomitant censure. The por- 
tion of the prize which fell to each soldier, was 
only a hundred peros ; a trifling compensation, in- 



HERNAN CORTES, 193 

deed, for such a variety of hardships, and such a 
multiplicity of perils. Cortes, however, with his 
usual persuasive powers, succeeded in calming the 
discontent of his followers, and by secret presents 
to some, promises to others, and by raising the 
hopes of all towards the future, the distribution 
made was quietly suffered to stand.* 

Fortune had hitherto crowned not only the most 
daring, but the wildest, undertakings of the Spa- 
niards ; but the time was now arrived when adver- 
sity began to shadow their unclouded career. The 
Mexican nobility awoke from their lethargy, and 
seriously turned their thoughts to the evils which 
weighed upon their country. They saw their 
monarch a debased captive, insensible to the sting 
of his own disgrace ; Cacamatzin, and those of 
the Mexicans who were specially distinguished 
for their courage and abilities, lingering in con- 
finement ; the worship of their gods insulted ; and 
the whole land subjected to the dominion of a foreign 
prince. Several secret meetings accordingly took 
place, and frequent interviews were held between 
Montezuma and his principal lords, who remon- 
strated strongly with him on their fallen state, and 
disclosed their intention of attacking these pre- 
sumptuous strangers, the authors of all their cala- 
mities. The priests, in particular, evinced their ha- 
tred towards the Spaniards, solemnly declaring, 
that it was the pleasure of the gods that they 
should all be put to death. This conspiracy was daily 
gaining strength, yet to attempt any violent act, 
though it might prove successful in the end, would 
also inevitably involve the ruin of Montezuma. 

• B. Diaz. 



194 LIFE OF 

It was therefore resolved to adopt more temper- 
ate measures in order to effect the expulsion of the 
Spaniards from the capital. The monarch desired 
an interview with Cortes, who, already apprised 
of the frequent conferences of the Mexicans, felt 
an inward anxiety, which he endeavoured to con- 
ceal under an assumption of composure. 

Montezuma, in a tone more abrupt and severe 
than was usual, told the Spanish general, that ha- 
ving remained already six months in Mexico, and 
all the purposes of his mission being also fulfilled, 
there was no reason for a longer stay in the capi- 
tal; he must, therefore, take measures for a speedy 
departure from his empire. The priests and no- 
bles, and the people, had expressed their resolution 
not to suffer the Spaniards to remain any longer in 
the land; and it was further manifested by the 
gods, that those beings by whom they had been 
affronted, should be immediately expelled or sacri- 
ficed.* The nature of this demand, and the re- 
solute tone in which it was pronounced, made 
Cortes sensible that it sprung from the effects of 
a powerful machination ; and though prepared 
for some unpleasant intelligence, this requisition 
was so unexpected, and the attitude assumed by 
Montezuma so peremptory, that his mind was filled 
with serious apprehensions. But that self-posses- 
sion which never deserted Cortes on the most trying 
occasions, fortunately came to his assistance on the 
present. He saw that the Mexicans had now as- 
sumed a dangerous position, one from which they 
were to be dislodged rather by stratagem than 
force ; and as the valour and the arms of the Spa- 

• B. Diaz ; Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 195 

niards could here be of little avail, Cortes searched 
for resources in his own mind for the difficulty. He 
apparently resolved to acquiesce, when he could 
not openly oppose, and therefore, with admirable 
tact and singular composure, informed the mo- 
narch, that he saw nothing but what was strictly 
just in the wishes of the Mexicans ; that he 
had himself already turned his thought towards 
preparations for departure ; but that unfortunate- 
ly, it could not take place with the expedition 
required. The destruction of the ships in which 
they had arrived, made it necessary that others 
should be constructed. This task demanded much 
labour, and he hoped, therefore, that the king 
would admit these as sufficient reasons to protract 
his sojourn in the Mexican dominions. 

Montezuma, overjoyed at the prospect of ex- 
pelling those strangers from his kingdom, made 
no opposition to a request which bore with it all 
the marks of justice and reason. On the contrary, 
he cordially embraced Cortes for acquiescing in a 
measure which would restore peace and happiness 
to the Mexicans ; and eagerly informed him, that, 
far from using any precipitate haste, the Spaniards 
might take all the measures and time necessary 
for their convenient departure. Moreover, he add- 
ed, that he would himself lend every assistance 
which Cortes might require for the building of his 
vessels ; and accordingly gave orders that the tim- 
ber should be cut in a wood near Vera Cruz, and 
that a number of his carpenters should work under 
the superintendence of the Spanish.* Cortes ha- 
ving, by this stratagem, retarded his departure, 

* Clavigero. 

Q2 



196 LIFE OF 

withdrew from the presence of Montezuma, much 
relieved from the burden that oppressed his mind. 
He flattered himself that, before the time conceded 
should expire, he might find another pretext equally 
specious and successful — that fortune would again 
supply him with the means of averting the evil, or 
afford him the strength sufficient to set it at de- 
fiance. Eight days the Spanish commander passed 
in this state of anxiety and uncertainty, at the end 
of which time Montezuma called him again into 
his presence, and informed him that the construc- 
tion of the ships was no longer necessary, as seve- 
ral vessels had lately appeared on the coast ; and 
that nothing, therefore, impeded the departure of 
the Spaniards. 



HERNAN CORTES. 197 



CHAPTER XV. 



Account of the Expedition of PampMlo de Narvaez. 

As nearly nine months had elapsed since Por- 
toearrero and Montejo, the messengers from Cortes, 
had set sail for Spain, that commander was in 
daily expectation of their return. He nattered his 
hopes that his deputies would succeed in their 
negotiation, and that they would undoubtedly bring 
the royal sanction to the authority conferred on 
him by the Junta at Villa Rica. This requisite 
he considered of vital importance, since without 
it he could scarcely entertain any reasonable ex- 
pectations of being able to achieve the mighty en- 
terprise in which he was so far advanced. Despite 
of his magnanimity and admirable conduct as a 
leader, and notwithstanding the success which had 
attended his actions, he was liable now to be repre- 
sented by hisenemies rather in the light of a trai- 
tor, than in that of a conqueror. Besides this, 
however propitious and rapid his progress had 
hitherto been, he could not contemplate the reduc- 
tion of so vast an empire with the slender body 
under his command — a body lamentably redu- 
ced in number, by war, hardship, and disease, 
and which he could not hope to increase by re- 
cruits from Cuba and the other Spanish settle- 



198 LIFE OF 

merits, so long as he continued to act without a 
royal confirmation of his authority. According- 
ly, amidst the crowd of perplexing thoughts that 
incessantly engrossed his mind, this stood para- 
mount ; and when he was informed by Montezuma 
of the armament that had appeared on the coast, 
he imagined that it belonged to his messengers, 
and under this pleasing impression, hurried to 
communicate the joyful tidings to his companions. 
Cortes now gave himself up to the most san- 
guine hopes ; and his mind, which had been re- 
cently put to a painful stretch, was relieved by 
anticipations of the most favourable nature. He 
supposed that a powerful reinforcement of soldiers 
was coming to his assistance, and that he would 
thereby be enabled to act as circumstances might 
dictate, and set the vengeance of the Indians at 
defiance. 

But the joy of Cortes was of short continuance* 
He received soon after a courier from Gonzalo de 
Sandoval, to whom he had intrusted the command 
of Vera Cruz, after the death of Escalante, who 
brought intelligence very different from what he 
had fondly anticipated. The ships which had 
arrived on the coast were fitted out by the Go- 
vernor of Cuba, who had now exerted his utmost 
power to accomplish the destruction of Cortes. 
Velazquez could no longer be deceived with re- 
spect to the real intentions of the man he had 
placed at the head of the expedition. The per- 
plexing doubts and fears which had assailed him 
immediately upon the departure of Cortes from 
St Jago, were strengthened into certainty by the 
total neglect of that commander in transmitting 
an account of his operations to the Governor. But 



HERNAN CORTES, 199 

if a more convincing proof was wanting to con- 
firm Velazquez in this opinion, and to excite him 
to adopt a vigorous line of conduct, this was af- 
forded by the imprudence ofPortocarrero andMon- 
tejo, who, contrary to their instructions, had touch- 
ed at Cuba in their voyage to Spain.* Velazquez 
was now agitated by every violent passion that 
can storm the human breast. His pride was mor- 
tified, and his ambition frustrated. He cursed 
the duplicity of Cortes, vowed the most signal re- 
venge for his treachery, and zealously devoted 
himself to procure the means of carrying his me- 
naces into effect. Nor was he divested of power 
or the means to attempt this undertaking. The 
Bishop of Burgos, who was President of the Coun- 
cil of the Indies, was his stanch patron, and a 
zealous promoter of his interests ; and by the influ- 
ence of that prelate, as well as from the accounts 
he gave of New Spain, and the specimens he sent 
of its riches, he had succeeded in obtaining greater 
privileges, and more extensive jurisdiction, than 
any other Spaniard since Columbus.-)- 

Velazquez accordingly devoted his whole at- 
tention to the accomplishment of that object which 
was the theme of his speculations by day, and of 
his dreams by night ; and as his ardour was com- 
mensurate to the hatred which he bore Cortes, and 
his resources in proportion, he soon succeeded in 
completing an armament more than competent to 
crush the power of his rival. In a short time he 
had prepared a fleet composed of eighteen ships, 
carrying on board eight hundred foot soldiers, 
among which there were eighty musketeers, and 

• B. Diaz. *|- Herrera, Dec. 



200 LIFE OF 

a hundred and twenty cross-bowmen, together 
with fourscore horse, and a train of twelve pieces 
of artillery. The command of this powerful army, 
for such it must be considered under the circum- 
stances, he intrusted to Pamphilo de Narvaez, a 
chief possessing his greatest confidence, and to whom 
he gave strict orders to seize Cortes and his princi- 
pal accomplices, and send them prisoners to Cuba. 
Narvaez, after a fortunate voyage, landed on 
the coast of Chempoalla in the month of April, 
and had the good fortune of being joined by three 
Spanish deserters, who gave him circumstantial 
information of all the proceedings of Cortes, and 
who depicted both his past dangers and hard- 
ships, and his actual difficulties and want of 
strength. They represented the situation of Cortes 
as beyond the reach of hope ; an account which 
natm*ally augmented the confidence of Narvaez, 
and gave a fresh stimulus to his arrogance. But 
this chief derived another advantage from these 
deserters, for by their means lie had not only ac- 
quired intelligence, by which to frame his plan of 
operations, but had also procured interpreters to 
facilitate his transactions in the country he came 
to subdue. Narvaez, without loss of time, sent a 
deputation to Sandoval, summoning him to sur- 
render the town of Villa Rica. Guevara, a priest, 
was intrusted with this command, and appeared be- 
fore the lieutenant of Cortes in a haughty manner, 
treating both that chief and his followers as rebels 
and traitors, and imperiously requiring of Sando- 
val to surrender to Narvaez. But Sandoval, sti- 
mulated at once by his fearless disposition, and his 
attachment to Cortes, desired the priest to lower 
his pretensions, declaring that his sacred functions 
alone protected him from the chastisement incur- 



HERtfAN CORTES. 201 

red by his insolence. The priest grew more out- 
rageous on perceiving the resolute firmness of the 
officer ; and the altercation becoming very warm, 
Sandoval was at length impelled to seize Guevara 
and his companions, and send them prisoners to 
Mexico.* 

Upon their arrival in that capital, Cortes, who 
always endeavoured to conciliate men by friendly 
professions before he treated them as enemies, saw 
the policy of this plan in the present difficult pos- 
ture of his affairs. He accordingly welcomed 
Guevara and his attendants as friends and coun- 
trymen — treated them with all possible cordiality 
— released them from their chains — blamed se- 
verely the rash conduct of Sandoval, and made 
an apology for the violence of that officer. This 
courteous behaviour soothed the irritation of 
the prisoners, and the rich presents by which it 
'was followed, totally won their confidence and 
good- will. Cortes had accordingly no great dif- 
ficulty in making himself master of all those par- 
ticulars which, under existing circumstances, it was 
important to learn ; and the extent of the danger 
by which he was threatened, was of a description 
to darken his most sanguine prospects, and to in- 
fuse despondency into the stoutest heart. Narvaez 
had insidiously laboured to impress the Indians 
with the belief that Cortes was an outlaw and a 
rebel — an oppressor, who, under an usurped juris- 
diction, was carrying his depredations over the 
country, whilst he kept Montezuma in unjust con- 
finement. On the other hand, he represented him- 
self as the deputy of the Spanish King, armed with 
power to redress the wrongs of the Indians, and 

• B. Diaz. 



302 LIFE OF 

punish the crimes of their oppressor ; and these 
declarations, artfully spread through the country, 
were not slow in producing the desired effect. 
Several Mexican provinces declared themselves in 
open rebellion against Cortes, whilst Montezuma 
himself was carrying on a clandestine correspond- 
ence with Narvaez, whom he was now induced to 
consider in every respect superior to the former 
chief. 

Never was the courage of a general, the mag- 
nanimity of a philosopher, or the genius of a great 
man, subjected to a more difficult test than the one 
it was now the fate of Cortes to undergo. This 
was, indeed, one of those cases which called for 
an uncommon exertion of his singular powers, and 
in which his extraordinary fortitude was conspi- 
cuously displayed. On whatever side he turned 
there appeared nothing but a prospect of danger, 
and every plan which his genius suggested fell in- 
comparably short of the exigencies of the occasion. 
He could neither advance against Narvaez, at- 
tempt a retreat from Mexico, nor remain tranquil 
in that capital. Whichever of these three courses 
he should adopt, ruin would follow its execution. 
To oppose Narvaez openly would argue insanity, 
considering the vast superiority of that general's 
forces, and the assistance he might derive from 
Montezuma. On the other hand, if he set that 
monarch free, and attempted a retreat from Mexi- 
co, he would be obliged, not only to relinquish 
the conquest of that empire, and thus lose the re- 
ward of his victories, and the fruit of so many toils 
and sacrifices, but destruction seemed unavoid- 
able. The order for an evacuation of the capital 
would be the announcement that the Spaniards were 
no longer the formidable beings which they had 



HERNAN CORTES* 208 

hitherto been judged, and would also prove the 
signal for the Mexicans to fall upon them with all 
their power. Neither could Cortes protract his 
stay at Mexico, to await there the arrival of Nar- 
vaez ; for if it was dangerous to attack him in 
the open field, the danger would be increased in 
a tenfold degree, when cooped up in the precincts 
of a hostile city. Such was the embarrassing 
position of Cortes; but instead of sinking under 
the pressure of so many, and overwhelming diffi- 
culties, he vigorously exercised his energies to pro- 
vide a noble resistance. 

On one point his mind was irrevocably fixed. 
He would not quit that country as a prisoner, which 
he had traversed as a conqueror, and being almost 
considered as a divinity. Nor would he tamely 
abandon that enterprise, towards the success of 
.which he had so largely contributed, and permit 
another to avail himself of the efforts, and enjoy 
the fruits, of his genius, courage, and perseverance. 
Under this impression, he felt convinced that this 
event must be terminated by arms ; for, however 
unequal the contest, it was yet the best course he 
could pursue. But before affairs were brought to 
so distressing a necessity, he was anxious to strain 
every effort towards a more conciliatory issue. 
This thought was at once prompted by policy, as 
well as inclination. His mind revolted from the 
idea of being compelled to take up arms against 
his own countrymen, and to lose in civil dissen- 
sion that strength which was so necessary for the 
reduction of the country. On the other hand, 
should he be forced to embrace the last extremity, 
he saw the advantage of weakening by stratagem 
the formidable force of his adversary, before he 
R 



204 LIFE OF 

risked the event of a battle. He therefore resol- 
ved to attempt an amicable negotiation before he 
resorted to actual force. 

For this important and delicate mission, it was 
indispensable to select a man in whose abilities 
and integrity he could repose implicit confidence. 
This embassy was directed not only to reconcile 
the opposition of Narvaez, but, in case of rejec- 
tion on his part, to undermine the fidelity of his 
followers. In the choice of a person for a transac- 
tion of so much trust, Cortes displayed his usual 
prudence and tact. Instead of appointing one of 
his daring, faithful, but violent and rash adherents, 
he selected the venerable Father Bartholomew de 
Olmedo, on whose wisdom he could rely, and 
whose sacred character, as well as the singular re- 
spect in which that priest was held, would invest 
his mission with that importance and respectabili- 
ty which was attached to the person of the ambas- 
sador. Besides the verbal instructions of Cortes, 
Father Olmedo was intrusted with official dis- 
patches to Narvaez,as well as secret letters to some 
of the principal men in his array. Such were the 
Oydor Lucas Vazquez, and Andres de Duero, the 
ancient friend of Cortes, who was ever destined by 
fate to forward the interests of the latter. Cortes 
very timely accompanied his messages and promises 
with magnificent presents, which served at once to 
establish his generosity, and acted as a great tempt- 
ation.* 

Father Olmedo was received by Narvaez with 
haughtiness, and his proposals were rejected with 
scorn. That general, relying on the superiority of 

• B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 205 

his forces, and already confident of success, took 
no care to disguise his insolence and vanity. He 
broke out in invectives against Cortes, and decla- 
red, in a tone of mingled triumph and derision, 
that he would ere long cut off the head of that trai- 
tor, and put all his followers to death. It was in 
vain that Olmedo, with as much mildness as ad- 
dress, endeavoured to represent to Narvaez the 
impolicy as well as criminality of promoting this 
unnatural contest between brothers ; it was in vain 
that he expressed the readiness of Cortes to enter 
into arrangements, and dwelt on the advantages 
which would accrue to the mother country, if her 
sons, instead of turning their arms against each 
other, could be induced to unite them for their 
mutual benefit. Pamphilo Narvaez would not 
listen to any overtures, speculating no doubt on 
the sordid policy of not dividing with a rival the 
advantages of an achievement of which he consi- 
dered himself the sole head. 

The total failure of his endeavours with the 
general, induced the negotiator next to turn his 
attention towards his army. The policy and ad- 
dress of Olmedo, accompanied by the seasonable 
generosity of Cortes, and the promise of future 
reward, produced the most fortunate results. The 
Oydor Vazquez, already influenced in favour of 
Cortes, was entirely converted to his party the 
moment that a magnificent present came to 
strengthen those favourable dispositions. This 
example was followed by various other officers ; 
and by these means, whilst Pamphilo de Nar- 
vaez was wasting his time in vapouring threats, 
and idle demonstrations of arrogance, the saga- 



206 



LIFE OF 



cious priest was secretly employing every moment 
in alienating from him the affection and confidence 
of his army.* 

The return of Guevara and his companions from 
Mexico was also favourable to the cause of Cortes, 
for they represented this commander as most affa- 
ble and generous, disposed to enter into any ami- 
cable arrangement, and solicitous only for the glo- 
ry and fortune of the Spanish arms. They strongly 
protested against violent measures, declaring that 
a civil war would be disastrous and unjust, when 
carried on against a man who had rendered such 
important services to his country ; and these re- 
monstrances induced some to think of peace, whilst 
others were captivated with the generous character 
of Cortes. Narvaez was enraged at these demon- 
strations, and commanded Guevara never more to 
mention the subject of negotiation ; but though 
he might command, he could not prevent the mis- 
chief already done to his cause. Nevertheless, de- 
spising both his enemy and the favourable reports 
circulated of him, Narvaez caused a proclamation to 
be made, declaring Cortes, and all his followers, 
rebels to their king, and traitors to their country. 

Perceiving every attempt at accommodation 
fruitless, Cortes now vigorously resolved to op- 
pose his intractable foe. Despite of the disadvan- 
tages under which he laboured, he summoned all 
his resolution to make one extraordinary effort. 
Although his force was but very insignificant, he 
found it necessary to reduce it still farther, by 
leaving a garrison at Mexico, for he knew the 
great advantage of keeping Montezuma in his 
power. This garrison, consisting of 150 men, he 

* B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 207 

placed under the command of Pedro Alvarado, 
an officer distinguished alike for his courage and his 
attachment to his general, and one for whom the 
Mexicans entertained a particular regard. To 
such insufficient force did Cortes commit the care 
of a populous and hostile city, and the person of 
an intriguing sovereign, while he himself, with an- 
other slender body, was determined to meet a nu- 
merous army, fresh, vigorous, and unbroken by 
any of those hardships and calamities which had 
assailed his own. In taking leave of Montezuma, 
Cortes used the most profound policy, assuring him 
that the new comers were friends, and that a sin- 
gle interview would remove any trivial difference 
which might exist. He farther added, that he left 
Alvaiado at Mexico on account of the popularity 
which that officer had acquired by his affability 
and kindliness of manners, as well as the special 
regard with which he was honoured by the sove- 
reign of the Mexicans. But whilst he made these 
cordial demonstrations, Cortes, though apparently 
confiding in the friendship and good faith of Mon- 
tezuma, gave strict orders to Alvarado to guard 
that monarch with the utmost vigilance. 

Cortes left Mexico about the beginning of May 
1520, six months after his arrival in that capital. 
His march was rapid, having left his baggage and 
artillery behind ; for he placed the chief hope of 
success in the activity of his movements, and de- 
cision of his measures. That which chiefly em- 
barrassed him was the enemy's cavalry. It was a 
formidable force, and he feared that his own slend- 
er body, however resolute and determined, would 
never be able to withstand the attack. But with 
the foresight of a skilful leader, he dispatched 
r2 



208 LIFE OF 

Tobilla with a few soldiers to Chinantla to pro- 
pure from its cazique three hundred of the spears 
used by his warlike Indians in battle ; for the 
Chinantla spears being of singular length and firm- 
ness, Cortes considered them as the most efficient 
weapons he could employ in resisting the attacks 
of the cavalry. Cortes now proceeded rapidly 
towards Chempoalla, of which place Narvaez had 
taken possession, and was joined by Sandoval and 
the garrison of Vera Cruz at Tapanacuetla, a vil- 
lage thirty miles distance from that city. His 
whole force then did not exceed two hundred and 
fifty men,* yet with this small body Cortes ad- 
vanced boldly against a formidable enemy ; nor did 
indeed any one of his gallant followers evince any 
sentiments but those of undaunted resolution and 
unshaken fidelity to their general. Cortes here 
made another attempt at negotiation; to effect 
which, he sent Father Olmedo a second time into 
the enemy's camp ; but this message was not pro- 
ductive of more success than the former ; for Xar- 
vaez proved uniformly intractable and overbear- 
ing, and would come to no terms short of the com- 
plete and absolute subjection of Cortes and his 
whole party. 

Olmedo artfully protracted his stay with Nar- 
vaez, for, though his remonstrances proved totally 
fruitless, yet he rendered essential service to Cor- 
tes by his intercourse with the soldiers. Velaz- 
quez de Leon, a brave and gallant officer, one in- 
deed wno, from his services, merits, and relation- 
ship with the Governor of Cuba, was considered 

* Cortes, Relat. B. Diaz says they were only two hun- 
dred and six in all. 



HERNAN CORTES. 209 

as second in command to Cortes, had received a 
letter from the enemy inviting him over to the 
camp, and iising every argument to alienate him 
from his general. Narvaez had been induced to 
take this step, relying on the relationship of that 
officer with his employer, no less than the oppo- 
sition which he had exhibited in the commence 
ment of the expedition towards Cortes. But Va- 
lazquez de Leon, with that noble frankness which 
distinguished his character, scorned to betray his 
general's cause, and immediately put the letter 
into the hands of Cortes. That commander was 
grateful for this proof of fidelity, though it did 
not by any means excite his surprise, Velazquez 
de Leon possessing, in conjunction with Sandoval, 
his greatest friendship and confidence. The open 
and manly resistance which Leon had made to 
Cortes in the first instance, and his subsequent at- 
tachment, were the best security of his fidelity ; 
and Cortes accordingly sent him on another em- 
bassy to Narvaez, persuaded that this visit, in- 
stead of shaking the firmness of Leon, would, on 
the contrary, forward his own views, by the in- 
terest which that officer would possess with Nar- 
vaez and his army. Velazquez de Leon was re- 
ceived at the enemy's camp with unbounded de- 
monstrations of joy, and treated with profound re- 
spect. The most brilliant offers were made to 
him on condition that he should abandon Cortes, 
and Narvaez even proposed to appoint him his 
second in command ; but Leon rejected these 
bribes with scorn, solemnly declaring that even 
the fear of death should not induce him to quit 
a commander who had done such signal service 
to his country, and whom he considered as the 



210 LIFE OF 

most worthy, as well as competent, to finish the 
enterprise he had so gloriously commenced, Here- 
upon, Narvaez and one of his officers, a relation 
of the Governor of Cuba, were greatly exaspe- 
rated, and broke out into their wonted strain of 
abuse against Cortes ; and Velazquez de Leon, 
hearing his general and all his brave companions 
declared rebels and traitors, laid hand on his wea- 
pon, and a sanguinary scene would have sealed 
his bravery and devotion, had not some judicious 
Spaniards timely interposed, and obliged both 
Leon and Father Olm edo to leave the camp. But 
the mission of these persons had been attended 
with considerable success, as they had infused a 
spirit of disaffection among the troops, a great part 
of which reprobated the blind obstinacy of the 
general, who would rather encourage a disastrous 
civil contention, than listen to terms of accom- 
modation. Narvaez and his principal adherents 
were now so firmly fixed in their purpose, that 
shortly after Cortes and his officers were publicly 
declared traitors, and the price of two thousand 
crowns set upon the head of the general and on 
that of Sandoval ; and hearing that, despite of so 
many awful threats, that chief and his party had 
advanced within a league of Chempoalla, he felt 
indignant at their arrogance, and therefore set 
his army in motion, with the intention of offering 
them battle. 

Cortes, informed by a deserter that Narvaez 
bad drawn up his whole army in a large plain near 
Chempoalla, where it was his intention to await 
an attack, was not imprudent enough to allow 
such advantages of position to an enemy already 
so greatly superior in every other respect. He 



HERNAN CORTES. 211 

accordingly remained quiet on the opposite side 
of the river Canoas, which_ runs near Chempo- 
alla, awaiting for a more favourable opportunity 
of carrying his plans into execution. A heavy 
fall of rain having set in, the soldiers of Xar- 
vaez, little inured to hardships, and despising the 
small force of the enemy, began now to murmur at 
being thus unnecessarily exposed to the inclemen- 
cy of the weather; and some of the officers, also, 
represented to the general, that as there was no 
possibility of Cortes attempting an attack, it would 
be more prudent to keep the troops fresh and vi- 
gorous, for which purpose they should be ordered 
back to their quarters. This was accordingly 
done, and Narvaez retreated into Chempoalla, 
after haring posted only two sentinels to watch 
the motions of the enemy at the ford of the river, 
and ordered a detachment of horse to patrol on the 
road to the town, and round his quarters.* Mean- 
time, the small but gallant troop of Cortes stood 
drenched in the rain that poured in torrents, with- 
out evincing any signs of discontent or impatience ; 
and their general, with a look of mingled pride 
and satisfaction, beheld his hardy veterans unbro- 
ken in spirit and ready for service. Auguring most 
favourably of such men, he now determined to car- 
ry into effect a daring and difficult exploit — no less 
than to attack the enemy at the dead of night, as 
he naturally conceived, that after the fatigue of the 
day, and not apprehending danger, they would 
yield themselves up to repose. 

He accordingly made a long and impassioned 
oration to his little army, in which he eloquently 

* B. Diaz ; Solis. 



212 LIFE OF 

depicted to them the sufferings they had undergone 
— the dangers they had braved — the victories they 
had achieved — and then wound up the picture by 
vividly representing to them the reward they were 
destined to receive for all their toil and services. 
They were declared rebels and traitors, and a war 
of extermination was decreed by those unnatural 
brothers, whom no concession, no effort, could 
conciliate. Cortes was frequently interrupted in 
this harangue by the shouts of his soldiers, and at 
the close, by unanimous acclamations, declaring 
their resolution to follow him wherever he should 
lead them — to conquer or perish. Nay, their en- 
thusiasm was so ardently excited, that some of 
them exclaimed they would kill Cortes if he again 
attempted any accommodation with Narvaez.* 
Hereupon the general extolled the courage of 
his soldiers, and warmly thanked them for their 
attachment. He then divided his little army into 
three parties. The first he intrusted to the com- 
mand of Sandoval, and as this division was to per- 
form the most difficult part, that of seizing the 
enemy's artillery, Cortes took care to place in it, 
not only his chosen soldiers, but some of his best 
officers, among whom was his relation Pizarro, 
who afterwards became so celebrated. The com- 
mand of the second body he gave to Christoval 
de Olid, with instructions to storm the tower, 
and seize on Narvaez. Cortes himself led the 
third ; which acted as a small body of reserve, 
and was to fly to the support of the other two as 
occasion should demand. The incessant rain had 
swollen the river so much, that it was forded with 

* B. Diaz, 



HERMAN CORTES. 213 

tile utmost danger, the water rising to the sol- 
diers' breasts ; but those breasts were so ardently 
excited by the approaching attack, as to be proof 
against every difficulty. The little army having 
performed this toilsome act, now advanced in per- 
fect silence and regular order, each man armed 
with his sword, dagger, and long spear. The 
advanced guard was fortunate in securing one 
of the sentinels ; but the other escaped, and fled 
into Chempoalla to sound the alarm. This obli- 
ged Cortes to hasten his movements ; and he ac- 
cordingly redoubled the rapidity of his march, 
which was, however, conducted in the same silence 
and order as in the commencement. Narvaez 
treated the intelligence brought by the sentinel 
with contempt, imputing his alarm to fear, and 
conceiving it impossible that Cortes would be rash 
enough to attempt an attack with a force so dis- 
proportionate to his own. 

Hernan Cortes arrived at Chempoalla a little 
after midnight, without having met any impedi- 
ment in his way, the patrol of horse having either 
lost the road in the darkness of the night, or aban- 
doned their post to take shelter from the rain that 
continued to fall at intervals. By this means 
Cortes entered the city, and proceeding with the 
same caution, at length arrived unobserved be- 
fore the principal temple, where Narvaez held his 
quarters. The place was strongly fortified by a 
long range of artillery, that guarded the approach 
to the temple, but Cortes gave the signal for the as- 
sault, and Sandoval, with his gallant troops, rushed 
forward with such courage and rapidity, that the 
enemy had only time to fire two or three cannon, 
before they found themselves compelled to have 



214 LIFE OF 

recourse to their other weapons. Sandoval, with 
unparalleled intrepidity, now drove the soldiers 
from the guns, and began to force his way up the 
steps, amidst a storm of arrows and balls. But 
Narvaez, though deficient in the prudence of a 
general, was not wanting in the bravery of a sol- 
dier ; and having quickly armed himself, he made 
disposition for a vigorous resistance. The num- 
bers that crowded the steps of the temple had im-, 
peded the progress of Sandoval, who, however, 
still maintained his ground with intrepidity, and 
kept possession of the guns ; when Christoval de 
Olid and Cortes rushing to his assistance, bore 
down all opposition ; and Sandoval, with two or 
three others, reached the door of the temple, and 
endeavoured, but in vain, to burst it open. In the 
meantime, a soldier having set fire to the thatch- 
ed roof of the tower, the conflagration compelled 
its inmates to sally out, when Narvaez was wound- 
ed by the blow of a spear from Sanchez Farzan. 
The commander fell ; and being instantly seized, 
he was dragged down the steps, and secured with 
fetters. The rumour of his death now spread 
about ; and this false report contributed not a little 
to paralyze the already feeble exertions of his fol- 
lowers ; whilst the shouts of victory increased the 
ardour, and gave a fresh impulse to the efforts of 
their enemy. In the two smaller towers, where 
the rest of the army was stationed, confusion and 
alarm soon began to prevail, and their own guns, 
which had been captured, were nowdirected against 
them ; while the intense darkness of the night, as 
well as the alarm consequent on so unexpected a 
surprisal, tended to make them see everywhere 
objects of danger and terror. Thus, the numerous 






HERNAN CORTES. 215 

small lights, proceeding from the shining insects 
which abound in those parts, were converted by 
the heated fancies of the soldiers into as many 
musketeers advancing with ready matches against 
them ;* and Diego Velazquez and Salvatierra en- 
deavoured in vain to animate their men, who, now 
dispirited by the apparent advantage obtained by 
the enemy, began to lay down their arms and 
surrender. Meanwhile Narvaez, and the rest of 
the captured officers, were intrusted to the care 
of Sandoval, to whose gallant conduct this splen- 
did achievement was in a great measure due ; and 
he had them removed to a secure place, under the 
custody of his most confidential soldiers. 

At the break of day every sign of hostility had 
ceased, and Cortes was discovered seated on a 
chair, surrounded by Sandoval, Ordaz, Velazquez 
de Leon, and the rest of his victorious officers ; 
where he received the salutations of the vanquish- 
ed cavaliers, as they proceeded in rotation to kiss 
his hand, not only with affability, but cordially 
embracing them as countrymen and friends. He 
then sent Lugo, with a competent body of men, to 
bring the pilots, and men employed at the fleet, 
to Chempoalla, as well as to dismantle the vessels, 
in order to prevent any communication with 
Cuba. He then ordered every one of the adverse 
party to be set free, except Narvaez and Salvatier- 
ra, whom he continued to keep under strict guard. 
This signal victory was obtained by Cortes with 
very little bloodshed, only three of his men being 
killed ; while the loss of the enemy amounted to 
no more than two officers, and fifteen soldiers. 

• Solis ; B. Diaz. 

H 



216 LIFE OF 

But his conduct after the triumph was as masterly 
as his courage had been conspicuous during the 
fight. He offered to the followers of Narvaez 
either to send them back to Cuba, with all their 
goods, or to enrol them into his service, to be the 
partners of his dangers and glory, on the same 
terms with his own men ; and the latter proposi- 
tion was almost unanimously accepted by the con- 
quered army.* With the exception of a few de- 
voted adherents of Narvaez, all the rest of his 
troops, both officers and soldiers, joyfully closed 
with a proposal, which seemed to open so vast a 
field to their hopes. The trinkets and various 
ornaments of gold ostentatiously displayed by the 
followers of Cortes, fired them with the desire of 
becoming masters of such booty ; while the gene* 
rosity and affability of that commander won their 
esteem, at the same time that the valour and abi- 
lities which he had recently so brilliantly display- 
ed, convinced them that they could not obey a 
general who wielded greater elements of victoiy 
and success. 

The victory of Cortes 'over Narvaez happened 
on the 27th of May, 1520, and the advantage ob- 
tained by this fortunate event was immense, in his 
present situation. With the reinforcement of sol- 
diers from Narvaez, he found himself at the head of 
a hundred horse, plenty of ammunition, and other 
military stores, as well as a body of men deserving 
the name of an army. " Thus," says Robertson, 
" by a series of events no less fortunate than un- 
common, Cortes not only escaped from perdition 
which seemed inevitable, but, when he had least 

* Cortes ? Relat. ; Herrra, Dec. 



HERNAN CORTES. 217 

reason to expect it, was placed at the head of a 
thousand Spaniards, ready to follow wherever he 
should lead them." He adds, however, " that these 
events will be apt to be ascribed, as much to the 
intrigues as to the arms of Cortes ; and that the 
ruin of Narvaez was occasioned, no less by the 
treachery of his followers, than by the valour of the 
enemy." 

But, to whatever causes this result is to be at- 
tributed, it will always appear an extraordinary in- 
stance of courage, ability, and good fortune, and 
consequently redounding greatly to the honour of 
Cortes and his gallant troops. An unvarnished 
recital of facts will present, to the unprejudiced 
reader, a man harassed on every side with seem- 
ingly insurmountable difficulties, and by an un- 
common exertion of genius rising superior to them 
all. It will show a commander, with a handful 
of men, reducing a powerful army, in the midst 
of a hostile country, and converting to his own 
use those very elements intended for his own im- 
mediate destruction. The greatness of the at- 
tempt, and the singular success of the execution, 
will be the best comment upon the transaction. 



218 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XVI. 



Insurrection of the Mexicans, and its effects. 

Never was a general more timely put in posses- 
sion of a brave army, or did a more immediate oc- 
casion present itself to call its courage into action. 
A few days only had elapsed after the overthrow 
of NarvaeZj when a courier arrived from Alvarado 
with the most alarming account of the state of 
Mexico. The inhabitants had taken up arms 
against the Spaniards, who were now threatened 
with almost unavoidable destruction. The two 
brigantines which Cortes had caused to be con- 
structed, that he might possess a command over 
the lake, had been destroyed. Alvarado was close- 
ly besieged in his quarters, and incessantly expo- 
sed to the furious attacks of the Mexicans. Seven 
Spaniards had already been killed, and it was ap- 
prehended that every one would share the same 
fate, unless Cortes hastened to their assistance. 

This intelligence filled the Spanish commander 
with sorrow and alarm. He knew how incom- 
petent was the slender force of Alvarado to resist 
the repeated attacks of an infuriate foe ; and even 
should their valour for some time repel the ag- 
gressions of the Mexicans, still they would not be 
able long to withstand the effects of famine. The 



HERNAN CORTES. 219 

danger was imminent, and allowed no time for de- 
lay. But on the eve of the departure of Cortes 
from Chempoalla, four messengers arrived from 
Mexico, bringing the most bitter complaints of 
Alvarado, whom they accused of uncommon atro- 
city, and to whose ruthless conduct the present 
state of the capital was attributed. Cortes, by 
comparing the information afforded by both par- 
ties, as well as by his own judicious deductions 
from the state of the country, soon came to the 
conclusion that the revolt was of no ordinary 
description. It was evident that the restless spirit 
of the Mexicans and their desire of revenge, which 
had been checked and awed by the presence of 
Cortes, raged with tenfold violence from the mo- 
ment when they were no longer checked by their 
fears of that commander. They considered his de- 
parture from Mexico as the moment destined by 
fate to put in practice their hostile designs. They 
perceived the Spaniards divided among themselves ; 
this they considered a most favourable juncture to 
attempt their destruction, while the very slender 
garrison left at Mexico increased their hopes of 
success. An opportunity now offered to rescue 
Montezuma from the power of the Spaniards, and 
pour on those strangers the full measure of their 
hatred and revenge. Several meetings were ac- 
cordingly held for this effect, and many schemes 
proposed to insure a fortunate issue to the under- 
taking. The Spaniards having received due intel- 
ligence of these machinations, the sense of danger 
made them anxious to provide a remedy in pro- 
portion to the exigency of the occasion ; but un- 
fortunately the conduct of their chief, Alvarado, 
instead of supplying this remedy, tended only by 
s 2 



220 LIFE OF 

its imprudence to heighten the peril and to preci- 
pitate its explosion. 

Alvarado was a bold, gallant young man, and 
one of those officers on whose activity, resolution, 
and bravery, Cortes placed an unbounded reliance. 
But whilst he possessed all those qualities which 
rendered him of such essential service when act- 
ing under the inspection of an able and experi- 
enced chief, he was ill qualified for extensive and 
absolute command. The levity of his conduct, 
while it had amused many of the Mexicans, was 
calculated to excite the respect of none. Reck- 
less courage, unaided by policy, were but in- 
different advantages amongst men who possessed 
that virtue in an uncommon degree. It was by a 
masterly admixture of temporizing and intrepidity, 
softness and rigour, prudence and resolution ; by 
an admirable use alternately made of various and 
seemingly opposite qualities, that Cortes had gained 
his extraordinary ascendency over the Indians, and 
that he had been enabled to achieve a series of 
daring and splendid exploits. 

But though Alvarado might be equal to Cortes 
in the virtues of a soldier, he was greatly his in- 
ferior in the abilities of a leader. Violence and 
force were his chief support, resources of which 
Cortes only availed himself in cases of extremity, 
and when every other means had failed. At the 
news of the premeditated insurrection of the Mexi- 
cans, Alvarado, instead of endeavouring to al- 
lay the storm by devising artful stratagems, or 
adopting soothing measures, took precisely that 
course which was most calculated to increase it. 
The principal festival of the Mexicans, that of 
Huitzilopochtliy the god of war, took place whilst 



HERNAN CORTES. 221 

Cortes was absent on his expedition against Nar- 
vaez ; and this festival was uniformly celebrated 
with certain dances, in which the king, the nobles, 
the priests, and the people j oined. According to 
the ancient usage, the principal persons among 
the Mexicans were assembled for this purpose in 
the large court of the great temple, and Alvarado 
having denied the request of the nobles, who de- 
sired Montezuma to join in the ceremony, the 
Mexicans were preparing to perform the religious 
dance among themselves. They had begun to dance 
and sing, accompanied by musical instruments, and 
were proceeding through the pious exercise in the 
usual manner, when Alvarado, instigated by the ap- 
prehension of the intended revolt, and allured per- 
haps by the rich display of gold ornaments among 
the assembled nobles, considered this a fit oppor- 
tunity at once to secure his safety, and reap a 
harvest of wealth. He accordingly ordered his 
soldiers out, and fell upon the Mexicans with as 
much rapidity as fury. So unexpected and vio- 
lent a charge overpowered the Indians in such a 
manner, that before they could defend themselves, 
a considerable number had been massacred. They 
however collected themselves to repel the aggres- 
sion, and several Spaniards were killed. This 
cruel act aroused every dormant feeling of the 
Mexicans. They would now be restrained by no 
consideration. Even the danger incurred by Mon- 
tezuma could not divert his fierce subjects from the 
resolution they had taken ; and not only the capital, 
but the whole empire, rung with the sounds of war 
and revenge. The Mexican troops assaulted the 
Spanish quarters with such ferocious impetuosi- 
ty, that they did considerable injury to the walls, 



222 LIFE OF 

and destroyed almost all their ammunition.^ From 
that moment a regular siege commenced, and the 
small garrison remained in a dreadful state of sus- 
pense and agony — repelling, however, with uncom- 
mon bravery, the furious attacks of the enemy, but 
impressed with a gloomy idea of unavoidable de- 
struction. 

Cortes disposed his affairs with that prompti- 
tude of decision and rapidity of execution that 
characterised him on every trying occasion. He 
made a short oration to the followers of Narvaez, 
who again loudly declared their earnest desire to 
follow under his command. He then appointed 
Rodrigo Ranzel his lieutenant at Villa Rica, in- 
trusting to him the custody of Narvaez and Sal- 
vatierra, and without further delay began his 
march towards Mexico with extraordinary expe- 
dition. He was joined at Tlascala by two thou- 
sand chosen warriors, which, together with the 
considerable body of Spaniards which he had now 
under his orders, he considered a sufficient force 
to quell the disturbance in the capital. With this 
army he proceeded rapidly to Tezcuco ; but scarce- 
ly had he entered the Mexican territories, when 
strong symptoms of the disaffection which pre- 
vailed became apparent. Instead of the welcome 
and ceremony that usually marked his arrival in 
the Indian towns, he now found these towns de- 
serted at his approach, no provision made for his 
subsistence, and every thing bearing the impress 
of that deep antipathy, that brooding revenge, by 
which the natives were actuated. 

Cortes was suffered to pass unmolested, but in 

* Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 223 

the boding silence which reigned, and in the stu- 
dious care with which the Indians shunned every 
intercourse, he easily divined that he had nothing 
now to expect from them but determined defiance, 
and that their reduction was no longer to be 
effected by the arts of subtle policy, but by the 
force of arms. On the 24th of June 1520, Cortes 
again entered Mexico, but he met with a very 
different reception from that which marked his 
first arrival in that capital. None of the nobles 
came forward to compliment him, and the whole 
city bore a strange aspect of silence and gloom. 
The Spanish commander* was greatly affected by 
these symptoms, but, confident in the superior force 
which he now commanded, took very little care to 
conceal his displeasure, or even to act with that 
prudential blandness which hitherto appeared to 
characterise his policy. He treated Montezuma 
with unequivocal contempt ; and when that king 
came to congratulate him on his victory over Nar- 
vaez, Cortes turned from him with disgust, refu- 
sing an answer to his address.-)- This conduct, so 
strangely at variance with the usual politeness 
and deep policy of Cortes, is only to be accounted 
for on the twofold reason of his being persuaded of 
the connivance of Montezuma with the actions of his 
subjects, and the consciousness of the force which 
he had now both to punish and subdue. Cortes 
summoned Alvarado into his presence, and en- 
tered into a close examination of the disastrous 
transactions which had taken place during his ab- 
sence. Alvarado presented a defence, which was 
far from justifying the excesses which he had com- 

* B. Diaz. t Ibid. 



224 LIFE OF 

mitted, but yet presented an ostensible pretence 
of necessity for his violent conduct. He declared, 
that he had been informed by a priest and two 
nobles, that every measure was taken for the 
effectual extinction of the Spaniards in Mexico, a 
report having reached that capital that Cortes and 
his scanty troop had been discomfited by Narvaez. 
Alvarado further alleged, in vindication, that he 
had fallen on the Indians on the festival of the 
god of war, because the intelligence he had recei- 
ved was of such a nature as to admit of no delay ; 
and he considered no opportunity more favourable 
to strike terror into the hearts of the conspira- 
tors, who were then assembled in the court of the 
temple. Cortes received the defence of Alvarado 
with evident dissatisfaction, and treated his whole 
conduct in the strongest terms of censure.* But 
the behaviour of the general himself, upon his re- 
appearance at Mexico, was far from deserving 
praise. Powerfully impressed with the idea, that 
Montezuma was carrying on a system of profound 
duplicity, and further exasperated at the want of 
provisions, he acted with a haughty demeanour 
towards the nobles, and sent an arrogant message 
to that monarch, to see that an abundant supply 
of food was immediately procured for his troops. 
The contemptuous expressions used by the Spa- 
nish commander were faithfully reported by some 
Mexicans, who knew enough of the language, to 
their companions. This inflamed their rage the 
more, and from that moment a war of deathless 
hate, of utter extermination, commenced. 

A Spanish soldier, who had been commissioned 

* B. Diaz. 



HEENAN CORTES. 225 

by Cortes to bring to Mexico the daughter of 
Montezuma, and other ladies left at Tacuba un- 
der the care of the Cazique, appeared now at the 
quarters, dreadfully wounded, and sinking with 
fatigue and loss of blood. He had been attacked 
on the causeway by the infuriated Indians, who 
strained every effort to secure him, in order to 
offer him as a sacrifice to their god ; but the Spa- 
niard, by the uncommon exertions of despair, had 
been able to effect his escape. This soldier an- 
nounced, that the whole country were up in arms, 
and that from every quarter multitudes were ad- 
vancing to achieve the extermination of the Spa- 
niards. Cortes immediately ordered a detach- 
ment of four hundred men to reconnoitre, under 
the command of Diego de Ordaz ; but these Spa- 
niards had scarcely advanced into the streets, 
when they were assailed with incessant showers 
of arrows, mingled with fearful vows of revenge. 
The aspect of the people was terrific, and the in- 
veteracy of their purpose was clearly manifested 
in their tokens of aversion. The streets were 
crowded with a mighty throng, eager to close 
with the hated enemy; while the roofs of the 
temples and houses were also covered with In- 
dians, keeping up an uninterrupted discharge of 
their missiles. Ordaz in a short time found him- 
self hemmed in by this multitude. He could 
neither continue his progress, nor effect a retreat. 
He was charged at once in front and in the rear, 
and a prodigious quantity of arrows, darts, and 
stones, were showered on his division from all 
quarters. The Spaniards fought with the reso- 
lution of despair ; and their leader, Ordaz, ac- 
quired much glory by his intrepidity and steady 



226 LIFE OP 

composure in the midst of so appalling a conflict. 
It was, however, with the utmost difficulty that 
he forced his way back to the Spanish quarters, 
with the loss of eight men, and a great number of 
wounded.* This success emboldened the Mexi- 
cans to continue their hostility with redoubled 
animosity. Accordingly, the following day, they 
came in formidable array to attack the Spanish 
quarters. Nothing could exceed the terror in- 
spired by their prodigious force, but the ferocity 
which appeared conspicuous in their deportment. 
A sort of frenzy — a frightful enthusiasm — led them 
on. Cortes could not stem the ever-returning 
fury of fresh attacks ; though the artillery swept 
the encumbered streets at every volley, the place 
of the fallen was instantaneously supplied by other 
Indians, who, regardless of the fate of their com- 
panions, seemed only intent on obtaining the vic- 
tory by wearying out the strength of the enemy 
by unceasing perseverance. They continued the 
attack during the whole day, and it demanded all 
the vigilance and extraordinary presence of mind 
of Cortes to prevent the enemy from forcing their 
way into the quarters, a feat which they were once 
or twice on the point of achieving. But all the 
efforts of the Spaniards could not avoid a partial 
conflagration, which they were only able to check 
by throwing down a wall to extinguish it : thus 
exposing themselves to one danger in seeking pro- 
tection from another. 

Cortes was not less astonished than alarmed at 
symptoms of such unconquerable ferocity. The 
total destruction of his men appeared inevitable. 

* Clavigero. B. Diaz says he lost twenty-three men* 



HERNAN CORTES. 227 

The threats of the Mexicans alone were sufficient 
to strike terror even into the stout hearts of the 
veterans of Cortes, much more into those of the 
followers of Narvaez. The Indians continually 
menaced the Spaniards with the sacrifice which 
was promised to their gods. They were told that 
the voracious animals in the temple had been kept 
in a rigorous fast, that they might the more eager- 
ly devour the bodies of the Spaniards when offer- 
ed in sacrifice ; and that the Tlascalans and other 
allies were to be confined in cages, in order to fat- 
ten for the some purpose.* To men who had 
visited the temples, and were acquainted with the 
frightful butcheries of the Mexicans, such a de- 
claration could not but be attended by a corre- 
sponding feeling of horror. The constant state 
of alarm, the uncommon series of present calami- 
ties that weighed on the Spaniards, and the dis- 
mal prospect that bounded their future horizon, 
began to produce the most fatal effects amongst 
many of the soldiers, and symptoms of discon- 
tent were clearly conspicuous amongst the fol- 
lowers of Narvaez. These had fondly indulged 
the hopes of coming to Mexico to share the spoils 
of a conquest already achieved ; instead of which, 
they found themselves constantly harassed by a 
formidable enemy, and surrounded on every side 
with omens of direful promise. They cursed their 
own infatuation in listening to the delusive words 
of Cortes, and loudly complained against that com- 
mander for his rashness in plunging the Spaniards 
into so mad and fruitless an enterprise. Thus had 
the leader to combat the baneful consequences of 

* B. Diaz. 

T 




228 LIFE OF 

disaffection amongst his troops, whilst his active 
mind was at the same time providing against the 
unwearied attempts of the enemy.* But this was 
no time either to complain or speculate — resolu- 
tion alone could rescue the Spaniards from utter 
ruin ; and Cortes, in the midst of so much misery, 
preserving his fortitude, resolved by a bold effort 
to restore confidence to his soldiers. He made a 
desperate sally against the enemy, in which, though 
he behaved with uncommon intrepidity, he was 
compelled to retreat, after losing ten men, and 
leaving almost all the rest of the party, amounting 
to fifty, wounded.f 

But the ferocious obstinacy of the Mexicans 
could neither obscure the genius of Cortes, nor 
damp his courage. His mind seemed to expand 
in proportion to the urgency, and the strength of 
his soul to increase with the load of misfortune. 
He resolved to show the enemy that his inveteracy 
of design was equal to his daring and intrepidity 
in execution ; and accordingly he gave orders for 
a second and more vigorous sally. Having per* 
ceived that the soldiers had sustained the greatest 
injury from the disastrous warfare carried on from 
windows and the roofs of the houses, he provided 
against this inconveniency by constructing four 
machines of war called Manias. These military 
engines were made of strong timber, covered by 
a roof, and moved on wheels. They could each 
conveniently contain from twenty to thirty com- 
batants, who, under protection of this shelter, used 
their fire-arms in comparative security. 

Every arrangement being made, Cortes under- 

* B. Diaz. f Ibid. 



HERNAN CORTES, 229 

took the second sally, which he commanded in 
person. The greater part of his troops, as well 
as two thousand Tlascalans, were employed in this 
dangerous service. The appearance of the Spa- 
niards was hailed by the enemy with their accus- 
tomed shouts of aversion and defiance, and soon 
followed by a shower of their missiles. The four 
artificial turrets, though in the first instance pro- 
fitable to Cortes, were but inadequate shelter 
against the exertions of the Mexicans. Indeed the 
Indians presented, to the astonishment of Cortes, 
proofs of ability equal to their courage. They 
made use of every stratagem — every resource 
which the peculiar position of their city afforded, 
was industriously improved and converted into 
means of resistance or offence. They fought in 
the streets, from the roofs, from the canals ; in 
some places the Spaniards found barriers to op- 
pose their progress — in others, the communication 
by means of the canals were intercepted, and the 
bridges broken down ; but what added to the 
anxiety of the Spanish commander, was to per- 
ceive the demolition of the four portable turrets, 
which was effected by means of ponderous stones 
and huge pieces of rock which the Mexicans hurled 
from above.* The conflict lasted with unabated 
ardour during the day. The priests incessantly 
inflamed the warriors by their voice, and the nobles 
by their example ; and the Spaniards, harassed by 
powerful masses on every side- — tormented by in- 
cessant volleys of arrows, at last endeavoured to set 
fire to the city, in order to check the annoyance 
created by those who fought under cover of their 

* Solis. 



230 



LIFE OF 



habitations. After many successive hours of inces- 
sant fighting, Cortes gave orders to retreat, having 
burnt down several houses, and produced a fear- 
ful slaughter among the enraged Mexicans. There 
was nothing, however, to compensate for the loss 
of forty soldiers, besides more than sixty wounded, 
himself among the latter, being wounded in the 
hand.* 

At the sight of such implacable hatred among 
the Indians, and the deplorable loss with which 
every fresh sally was attended, Cortes perceived 
the wide extent of his danger. He could not 
render himself master of the city by force, nor 
could he enter into any advantageous negotiation 
with the inhabitants. His continuance in Mexico 
was accompanied not only with the dangers arising 
from unremitting warfare, but by the dismal pros- 
pect of famine which the scarcity of their provi- 
sions now rendered more than probable ; and in 
proportion as the distresses of the Spaniards in- 
creased, the hopes of the enemy would be in- 
flamed, and their exertions redoubled. Yet, on the 
other hand, to abandon so glorious an enterprise, 
and lose by a retreat the fruit of so many achieve- 
ments and privations, was a contemplation of the 
most painful nature to the Spanish commander. 
Nor was the mind of Montezuma in a state of 
greater composure. He had observed from one 
of the towers the previous engagements, and the 
animosity by which they were distinguished. He 
perceived that his brother, the lord of Iztapalapan, 
headed the Mexican troops, and that the whole 
city was delivered to bloodshed and devastation. 



* B. Diaz ; Solis. 



HERNAN CORTES. 231 

| The contemplation of such disastrous objects in- 

: spired the monarch with regret and apprehension. 

I He considered the loss of his crown and life to be 
rapidly approaching, no less than the destruction 

I of his great capital. The revenge of the Mexi- 
cans, and the intrepidity of the Spaniards, taught 
him that nothing but accumulated misfortune could 
result from a continuation of hostilities ; and that 
whichever party remained triumphant, the victory 
would only be obtained by the destruction and de- 
population of the city. 

Impressed with this idea, he resolved to pro- 
pose to Cortes that he should evacuate Mexico, 
as the only means of putting an end to such an 
accumulation of disasters. In these reflections he 
spent the night, and early on the next day re- 
quested an interview with the Spanish chief. It 
did not require much labour to persuade Cortes 
that a tranquil evacuation of the city was the least 
disastrous alternative he could embrace under the 
present distressing circumstances. The repeated 
calamities that assailed him — the constant danger 
to which his men were exposed, no less than their 
increasing dissatisfaction from the severe service 
they were compelled to endure, induced him to 
lend a favourable ear to the proposal of Montezuma. 
He accordingly promised to retreat from Mexico 
for the present, but desired that the monarch 
would adopt every measure conducive to an un- 
molested egress from the city. For this effect he 
required that the Mexicans should lay down their 
arms. Montezuma, overjoyed at the compliance 
of Cortes, readily promised the security which 
was demanded,* and offered immediately to in- 

* Clavigero ; Solis. 
t2 



282 



LIFE OF 



terpose his authority with the Mexicans, an event 
which led subsequently to the death of that mo- 
narch. 

Bernal Diaz varies considerably from other au- 
thorities in his account of this transaction. Ac- 
cording to him, such uniformity of resolution did 
not exist between the Spanish chief and the Mexi- 
can sovereign. On the contrary, when Cortes sig- 
nified his readiness to retreat from the city, de- 
siring Montezuma to address his people, in order 
to induce them to desist from further aggression, 
Diaz says the message was indignantly received, 
and peremptorily refused, by Montezuma, who 
burst into tears, and uttered many bitter reproaches 
against the Spanish general. Father Olmedo and 
Christoval de Olid endeavoured next to conquer 
the repugnance of the sovereign, but he answered 
that his remonstrances would produce no effect 
upon his people, who had chosen another king, 
and were resolved not to suffer a single Spaniard 
to escape alive from the city. He, however, was 
at length prevailed on to address his subjects, 
" and reduced," to use the words of Robertson, 
" to the sad necessity of becoming the instrument 
of his own disgrace, and of the slavery of his peo- 
ple." The reader will use his judgment in this 
different version of that event. To us it appears 
not only probable, but perfectly natural, that a 
monarch, who had been so invariably anxious for 
the departure of the Spaniards from Mexico, 
should be inclined to urge any remonstrance, when 
so favourable a juncture presented itself. On the 
other hand, he might consider the time for nego- 
tiation past, and accordingly refuse his interfe- 
rence. But still it appears more probable that he 



HERNAN CORTES. 233 

would make the attempt, however hopeless, before 
he voluntarily yielded himself to his own ruin, 
which he could not but consider as intimately 
connected with that of the Spaniards, 



234 LIFE OP 



CHAPTER XVIL 



Death of Montezuma, and terrible Conflict in the 
Temple, 

The Americans now rushed impetuously to the 
assault of the Spanish quarters. On every side they 
strove to gain the walls, while the archers let fly 
a multitude of arrows that greatly annoyed the 
besieged, who attempted in vain to check the fe- 
rocity of the assailants by tremendous discharges 
of artillery. Some of the Indians had already 
penetrated within the quarters, and were actually 
engaged, man to man, with the Spaniards ; when 
in this emergency, Montezuma, agitated by con- 
tending feelings, resolved to show himself to his 
subjects, and endeavour by his words to calm the 
popular fury. Attired in his regal habiliments, 
and with all the pomp he affected on the most 
solemn occasions, he advanced to the battlements, 
attended by some of his own nobles, and an escort 
of Spaniards. The moment he appeared the tu- 
mult ceased, and a profound silence ensued. The 
respect of the Mexicans for their captive sove- 
reign mastered every other passion, and some among 
them kneeled down in humble veneration. Mon- 
tezuma addressed his infuriated people in an im- 
passioned tone and manner, earnestly requesting 



HERKAN CORTES. 235 

tli em to desist from hostilities, as it was the firm 
intention of their enemies to quit the capital, 
should they be suffered to effect their egress with- 
out molestation. To the remonstrances of the 
monarch, some of the nobles who stood on the 
foremost ground answered, that with the assistance 
of the gods, the war would soon be brought to a 
close, and that they had vowed to accomplish the 
extermination of the Spaniards. Montezuma pro- 
ceeded to make use of every argument which he 
judged conducive to soften their fury, or excite 
their fears ; but his efforts were vain. Affairs had 
arrived at that extremity when the soothing words 
of persuasion, and the counsels of prudence, are 
alike unheeded and despised. A murmur of dis- 
content pervaded the crowd ; one of the most 
daring proceeded to express his indignation in a 
more unequivocal manner, by calling the king a 
coward, and the sullen voice of insubordination 
was followed by open threats and violent re- 
proaches.* The spirit of turbulence spread with 
fearful rapidity, and the Mexicans, those very men 
who had formerly scarcely ventured to look up to 
Montezuma, through excess of dread and respect, 
now hesitated not to heap abuse and maledictions 
on his head. 

These demonstrations of popular fury were fol- 
lowed by their natural and disastrous results. A 
mingled shower of arrows and stones fell upon the 
ramparts with such rapidity and fatal effect, that 
before the Spaniards appointed to guard the per- 
son of Montezuma had time to protect him with 
their shields, the wretched king sunk to the ground 

* Clavigero ; Acosta. 






236 LIFE OF 

severely wounded on the head by a stone, and 
also, though more slightly, on the arm and leg.* 
When they beheld their monarch fall, the Mexi- 
cans were horror-stricken at their own fearful 
deed. A revulsion of feeling operated upon them ; 
and from the violence of stormy passion they pass- 
ed to the stupor of gloom and despair. They con- 
sidered themselves as sacrilegeous wretches, and 
fled from the spot in wild dismay, as if pursued 
by the vengeance of the gods. 

Montezuma was immediately carried to his 
apartments by the Spaniards, who strove to admi- 
nister every comfort under so severe and unex- 
pected a misfortune. Cortes, with anxious solici- 
tude, stood by the side of the wounded monarch, 
and endeavoured, by the most soothing words, to 
testify his regret and sorrow ; but Montezuma 
seemed now suddenly to awake from an unnatural 
trance of forbearance and servility. His consti- 
tutional haughtiness, and fierce resolution, returned, 
as it were, to cast a halo over his departing mo- 
ments. He felt himself a king, and resolved to 
act with the independence of a man. He repelled 
the consolations and friendly tokens of the Spa- 
niards with scorn and indignation. His dormant 
pride returning with additional power in this hour 
of misery, he beheld, in its fullest extent, the de- 
gradation of his state, and fiercely determined not 
to survive his misfortunes. He felt the poignant 
shame of that life which was now but an instru- 
ment in the hands of his enemies, and an object of 
abhorrence among his own subjects. Death ap- 
peared to the despairing monarch the only refuge 

* B. Diaz. ; Solis. 



HERNAN CORTES. 237 

from his woes, and thus he rigorously opposed all 
the remedies which the Spaniards adopted to pro- 
long his existence. The wound in the forehead 
was sufficiently dangerous to excite apprehension,* 
but still it might have yielded to efforts of medi- 
cine and proper care, had not Montezuma, with 
persevering obstinacy, repelled every endeavour to 
protract the term of his disastrous career. In a 
paroxysm of anger, grief, and despair, he tore the 
bandage from his wound ; peremptorily refused to 
take the offered nourishment, and eagerly seized 
any means of expediting his fate.f 

Cortes was sincerely and powerfully affected 
by this determination of the wretched monarch. 
No persuasion, no argument, no vigilance, however 
watchful, could win him from his fixed purpose. 
It was evident that his end was fast approaching, and 
Cortes perceiving any effort to prolong his life now 
unavailing, turned his thoughts with additional zeal 
towards the conversion of the dying prince to the 
Christian faith. Father Olmeda exhausted all the 
resources of his eloquence and piety to persuade 
him to receive baptism, but all his exertions proved 
without effect ; Montezuma was inflexible on this 
point, as well as in his resolution to die ; and in a 
stormy conflict of passions that lasted three days, 
he at length expired, cursing his fate and his ene- 
mies, and making vows of vengeance against the 
Spaniards and his rebellious subjects. 

Such was the tragic end of Montezuma the Se- 
cond, in the fifty-fourth year of his age,the eighteenth 
of his reign, and in the seventh month of his cap- 
tivity.:); His loss was deeply and sincerely de- 

* Cortes, Relat. ; Gomara, Chron. 

f B. Diaz ; Solis. £ Clavigero, 



238 LIFE OF 

plored by the Spaniards, whose affection he had 
won during his imprisonment, by repeated acts of 
generosity, and other noble qualities.* His cha- 
racter was a compound of virtues and vices, which 
are rendered conspicuous by a close examination 
of his actions. Though magnificent and liberal, 
he exercised these qualities often at the expense 
of his subjects, and his love of justice frequently 
urged him to acts of cruelty. That reserve, which 
was a leading feature in his character, exposed 
him to the imputation of duplicity, whilst it tend- 
ed also to keep from his throne the complaints of 
his suffering subjects. This, added to the warlike 
disposition that distinguished his youth, and the 
success which attended his expeditions, which 
were necessarily unaccompanied by the modera- 
tion and humanity of more civilized nations, ob- 
tained for him in some places the appellation of 
tyrant, whilst by others he v^as considered in the 
strict light of a conqueror. He had by the power 
of his arms considerably extended his dominions, 
and completely routed his enemies in three great 
battles, besides several other engagements of less- 
er note. He became, however, in the last year 
of his reign so totally altered from his previous 
character and conduct, that his subjects accused 
him of having changed his sex.f Indeed, super- 
stition had so far debased his mind, and the dread- 
ful power of the Spaniards so effectually paralyzed 
his efforts, that from a daring and courageous con- 
queror, Montezuma had become a weak and irre- 
solute prince. He had tastes which argued some 
refinement of intellect. He was extremely fond 

* B. Diaz. t Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 239 

of music, and delighted to investigate the causes 
of the superiority of the Spaniards. He was also 
very skilful in the use of his weapons, as well as 
partial to the exercises of the chase, and remark- 
ably attentive to the cleanliness and ornament of 
his person. With regard to his outward appear- 
ance, he was of a good stature, rather thin, but 
well proportioned. His visage was long and oval, 
his eyes lively, and the expression of his counte- 
nance pleasing. Despite of his errors, many of 
which cannot but be greatly excused, on account 
of the difficulties that surrounded the last year of 
his life, Montezuma was esteemed as the greatest 
monarch that had yet governed the Mexicans.* 
Montezuma left several sons, three of whom ended 
their lives in the disastrous retreat of the Spaniards 
from Mexico ; of those who survived, the most 
celebrated was Johualicahuatzin, or Don Pedro 
Montezuma, from whom the Spanish Counts of 
Montezuma and Tula claim descent. 

As soon as the Mexican monarch died, Cortes 
sent a deputation to announce the mournful 
tidings to Prince Cuitlahuatzin, his successor in 
the throne. Shortly after the royal corpse was 
carried out by six nobles, and conducted to a place 
called Copalco, amidst the lamentations of the 
crowd, who now extolled to the skies that sove- 
reign, whom a few days since they had consi- 
dered totally unworthy both of his crown and life.f 
Sad privilege of mortality, to excite regrets and 
kindle friendly feelings, when regret is unavailing 
and compassion and respect afford no solace to the 
victim ! 

* B. Diaz. f B. Diaz ; Clavigero ; Solis. 

u 



240 LIFE OF 

A renewed endeavour which Cortes made at 
negotiation with the Mexicans, after the death of 
Montezuma, proved equally abortive with the for- 
mer. The Indians intrusted with the message 
scorned to return with an answer from their fellow- 
countrymen, who, the day subsequent to the fune- 
ral obsequies of their late sovereign, returned to 
their attack on the Spanish quarters, with more 
impetuosity than ever. Cortes, having thus lost 
every prospect of accommodation with the Mexi- 
cans, saw the urgency of evacuating their city with 
the utmost expedition. But every moment brought 
new difficulties, and the situation of the Spaniards 
became truly lamentable. In Montezuma, they had 
lost the only pledge by which, however inefficient, 
they might hope to offer some check to the ex- 
treme violence of his subjects. Nothing now im- 
peded the effect of their hatred, or could arrest 
their animosity. They quickly took possession 
of a tower in the principal temple, which com- 
manded a view of the Spanish quarters. There 
they kept so vigilant a watch, that no Spaniard 
could move without exposing himself to immediate 
death from their weapons. So intent were the 
Mexicans on keeping this advantageous position, 
that five hundred of their chosen warriors, distin- 
guished alike for their known courage and high 
rank, resolved to maintain it against every danger ; 
and for this purpose they made every arrange- 
ment with regard to arms and provisions, as if they 
had expected a siege. Cortes was sensible that 
he must forego every hope of effecting a safe re- 
treat, as long as he suffered his enemies to main- 
tain their present station, and accordingly resolved 
to dislodge them at all hazards. This achieve- 



HERNAN CORTES. 241 

ment he intrusted to the conduct of Escobar, a va- 
liant officer ; but notwithstanding the gallant con- 
duct of the leader, or the courage of the numerous 
detachment by which he was attended, the Spa- 
niards were compelled, after three vain attempts, 
to retreat into their quarters, without accomplish- 
ing their purpose. 

Cortes now felt the whole weight of the misfor- 
tune by which he was so imminently threatened. He 
was obliged to strain his every effort, not for the re- 
ward of conquest, or the splendour of glory, but 
for the mere safety of his brave and devoted fol- 
lowers. Acting under this impression, he deter- 
mined to conduct the assault against the Temple 
in person, though he was at the time suffering 
deeply from the wound he had received in a pre- 
vious engagement. He immediately, followed by 
the flower of his troops, rushed to the attack, with 
valour and determination unparalleled even in his 
former exploits. Obstacles impeded the progress 
of the Spaniards on every side, while arrows and 
other missiles were literally showered upon them ; 
the cavalry, upon which their chief reliance was 
placed, was soon found to be of no service, owing 
to the smoothness of the pavement in the courts 
of the Temple. At every charge the horse slipt 
and fell, whilst the fallen riders had the utmost 
difficulty to regain their position.* This inconve- 
nience created much disorder and confusion ; nor 
was the obstinacy of the enemy productive of less 
considerable mischief. They resorted to every prac- 
tice which ingenuity could invent to annoy and dis- 
tress the Spaniards. Besides their usual weapons, 

* B. Diaz. 



242 LIFE OF 

they employed several other means of aggression 
and resistance, hurling sometimes large fragments 
of stone from above, and at others burning beams, 
a rude imitation of fire-arms certainly, but one which, 
however inefficient in destructive power, tended 
nevertheless to produce much disorder to their 
enemy. Cortes in this emergency showed himself 
a hero.* He dismounted quickly from his horse, 
and ordering a buckler to be tied to his wounded 
arm, he rushed sword in hand into the thickest of 
the battle, calling aloud to his captains to follow 
his example. The intrepidity of the general pro- 
duced the desired effect upon his troops. The 
Spaniards pushed forward with resistless impe- 
tuosity, and forcing gradually their way up the 
steps, they at length gained the ascent, and drove 
the Mexicans to the platform or upper area of 
the Temple. Here the contest raged with undi- 
minished violence. The Indians seemed all de- 
termined to perish in the fight ; and accordingly, 
during three hours, the combat raged with the 
most unparalleled fury. The priests, now calling 
franticly on their gods for protection, further in- 
flamed the frenzied courage of the warriors, all 
of whom were either killed on the spot, or threw 
themselves from the tower, to escape being cap- 
tured. The priests and the nobles in this place 
perished to a man, while the carnage in other quar- 
ters was proportionably frightful. Cortes at length 
got possession of the tower, w T hen there was no 
one alive to defend it. He immediately set fire 
to the sanctuary ; and having thus removed this 
serious obstacle to his future plans, now com- 

* B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 243 

raanded a retreat into his quarters. No less than 
forty- six Spaniards were slain in this terrible assault, 
and every one had received wounds ; they were 
covered with blood, and almost sinking through 
exhaustion. The number of the dead among the 
Tlascalan allies was very great, so that when Cortes 
attempted to retreat, he found fresh difficulties to 
oppose his progress, and new dangers to call for a 
further exertion of his courage. The Mexicans, 
with obstinate ferocity, assailed him in the lower 
area, and continued their furious attack in every 
street, and from every house. In this dreadful con-? 
flict, Cortes, by a desperate effort, succeeded in 
rescuing his friend Andres de Duero, whom the 
Mexicans were carrying away prisoner, having 
destined him no doubt for sacrifice.* 

The spirited assault of the Spaniards on the 
Temple, and the equally gallant defence of the 
Mexicans, were considered of such high import- 
ance by the Indians, that it was commemorated by 
lively representations, in the paintings both of the 
Tlascalans and the Mexicans. f An interesting 
anecdote concerning this event is also related, 
which, as being liable to disquisition, I have been 
induced to place at the end of the chapter. It refers 
to the self-devotion of two Mexican youths of rank, 
who, perceiving Cortes on the point of obtaining 
his project in rendering himself master of the tow- 
er, resolved to sacrifice themselves for the good of 
their country, by involving in their own death the 
ruin of their enemy. With this intention they ad- 
vanced towards Cortes, and affected to kneel down 
as if demanding quarter, when, suddenly seizing 

* Solis. f Cortes, Relat. 

u2 



244 LIFE OF 

him, they forced him to the edge of the upper area, 
resolved to hurl themselves therefrom, and drag 
the Spanish commander in their mortal fall. Cortes, 
however, by a desperate exertion of strength and 
agility, disengaged himself from their grasp, and 
the two Mexicans perished in their unsuccessful 
attempt. 

This incident, so honourable to the patriotism of 
the two youths, is narrated by Raynal and Robert- 
son, on the authority of Hen-era and Torquemada, 
and it is also described by Solis. Clavigero, how- 
ever, strongly contradicts it, and not without just 
reason. Neither Bernal Diaz, Gomara, and others, 
nor Cortes himself, make mention of such an event; 
and it must strike every one as remarkably singu- 
lar, that all the primitive historians should have 
been ignorant of, much more have wilfully omitted, 
a circumstance w T hich had so imminently endan- 
gered the life of the Spanish commander. 



HERNAN CORTES. 345 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



Disastrous Retreat of the Spaniards from Mexico, 
and Battle of Otompan, or Otumba. 

The Spaniards were now in a situation border- 
ing on despair, — Montezuma was no more, — pro- 
visions had become extremely scarce, — the powder 
was nearly expended, and the Mexicans continued 
resolutely to reject every overture of peace. Many 
of the soldiers of Cortes had already been killed in 
the various engagements which had recently taken 
place ; the greater portion of the rest were wound- 
ed, and all appeared sinking under the weight of 
accumulated misfortunes. The bridges had been 
broken down by the enemy, in order to render an 
escape impossible ; and the Mexicans, almost worn 
out with their incessant attacks upon the Spaniards, 
seemed resolved to destroy by famine those men 
whom they could not reduce by arms. So fearful 
a doom, or the more horrible fate of being sacri- 
ficed to the idols, was the dark alternative offered 
to the followers of Cortes. That able and undaunt- 
ed commander, revolving in his mind the idea of a 
retreat, now held a consultation with his officers, 
concerning the most prudent manner, as well as 
the most befitting time, of carrying this resolution 
into effect. 



246 LIFE OF 

A diversity of opinions prevailed in the assem- 
blage. Some strongly advised that the sally should 
be effected by day, when every danger could be 
clearly perceived, and more complete provision 
made against the efforts of the enemy. Others, 
on the contrary, contended that the darkness of 
night was preferable, as it would tend at once to 
conceal their movements, and take advantage of 
the superstitions of the Mexicans, which prevented 
them from attacking during the hours dedicated 
to repose. The latter counsel was unfortunately 
adopted, which was partly brought about also by 
the predictions of a soldier, who, claiming the 
pretensions of an astrologer, strongly advised his 
countrymen to undertake the retreat by night.* 
Whether Cortes was weak enough to be sway- 
ed by such chimeras, or, what is far more pro- 
bable, whether he really conceived, by more ra- 
tional deductions, that a nightly retreat afforded 
greater security, he adopted this course, and made 
dispositions for an immediate departure. He 
caused a portable bridge to be made, of sufficient 
strength to enable his army to pass the apertures, 
or ditches, in the causeways, which the enemy 
had made to prevent an escape. He then ordered 
all the treasure which had been collected to be 
brought forward, and having separated the fifth 
part belonging to the king, he made it over to the 
officers of the crown, absolving himself from any 
further responsibility on that head. The rest of 
those riches he left at the discretion of his fol- 
lowers, advising them, nevertheless, to postpone 
an acquisition of wealth to a more favourable op- 

* B. Diaz ; Clavigero ; Solis. 



HERNAN CORTES, 24/7 

portunity, rather than encumber themselves with 
articles which might prove prejudicial to their safe- 
ty in the retreat.* 

Hernan Cortes ordered then the plan of march. 
He intrusted the command of the van, consisting 
of two hundred of the boldest and most active sol- 
diers, together with twenty horsemen, to the gal- 
lant Sandoval, aided by Diego de Ordaz and Fran- 
cisco Lugo. The conduct of the rear, composed 
of the greater proportion of the Spanish troops, 
he committed to Pedro de Alvarado and Velas- 
quez de Leon. Cortes himself, supported by 
Christoval de Olid and Davila^ commanded the 
centre, where he placed the children of Montezu- 
ma, and other prisoners of distinction, the baggage, 
artillery, and the portable bridge to throw over 
the breaches in the causeway. The allied troops, 
from Tlascala, Chempoalla., and Cholula, amount- 
ing to several thousands, he distributed among 
the three divisions. The Spaniards commenced 
their disastrous and memorable retreat in a dark 
night, rendered still more gloomy and dangerous 
by a heavy mist and a fall of rain, which conti- 
nued without intermission. These circumstances, 
which Cortes considered advantageous to his de- 
sign, proved most disastrous in the event. Shortly 
after midnight the van left the Spanish quarters, 
and was followed in progression by the other di- 
visions. Cortes directed his course in deep si- 
lence towards the causeway of Tacuba, because, 
being shorter than the others, and, on account 
of its remoteness from Tlascala, not calling so 
much the attention of the Mexicans, it afforded 

* Clavigero, 



248 LIFE OF 

greater chance of success in the present underta- 
king. The Spaniards arrived at the first breach 
without interruption, and proceeded to place the 
portable bridge, in the expectation that their in- 
tention was unknown, and that their safety would 
in a few moments be secured. 

From these flattering dreams the retreating army 
was soon startled by a prodigious clamour which 
suddenly filled the air. The Mexicans had care- 
fully watched the movements of their enemy, and 
the priests, with their horn, summoned the sol- 
diers to arms. The sounds of warlike instruments 
and astounding shouts burst from every quarter. 
The lake, until then tranquil and still, appeared 
in a moment agitated by the motion of a thousand 
canoes. Showers of arrows and volleys of stones 
poured against the Spaniards without interrup- 
tion, whilst an army, prodigious in numbers, and 
ferocious in purpose, thronged eagerly to the cause- 
ways, where they hoped to accomplish the de- 
struction of the retreating foe. But a new cala- 
mity soon called for the attention of Cortes, and 
excited the dismay of his soldiers. The portable 
bridge was broken down by the weight of the 
baggage and artillery, and sticking fast amidst the 
stones and mud, it was no longer serviceable. 
Those of the Spaniards who had already gained 
the other side, hastened to the second breach, 
whilst their harassed companions endeavoured to 
scramble their fearful way, amidst a confused heap 
of cannon, luggage, armour, and the bodies of the 
dead and wounded, that now almost filled the 
horrid chasm. From this moment every thing 
became terror and confusion. The rain poured 
in torrents — the horses plunged, or remained res- 



HERNAN CORTES. 249 

tive, so that many of their riders were compelled 
to abandon them. Both sides of the causeway 
were flanked with canoes, from which the enemy 
sent incessant flights of their missiles. The Spa- 
niards in an instant found themselves surrounded 
by an infinity of enemies, who attacked them at 
once by sea and land with a fierceness they never 
before experienced. Their astounding yells^-the 
sounds of their horns — the piercing cries of the 
captives, whom they were hurrying away in their 
canoes, all contributed to strike a chill of horror 
into the hearts of the stoutest veterans. The Spa- 
niards fought with the fury of desperation, and 
many succeeded in passing over this fearful gap 
of destruction, and rejoined their companions at 
the second breach ; but a greater number perish- 
ed on the spot, were drowned in their attempt to 
save themselves, or were taken alive and reser« 
ved for sacrifice. 

The conflict on the second breach was equally 
terrific. The Mexicans, in their previous attempt 
to accomplish the destruction of their enemy, 
threw themselves in tumultuous masses against 
them, crowding to the spot in such confusion, 
that an immense number fell victims to their own 
disorder. Cortes perceived the total impossibi- 
lity of preserving any military discipline in the 
dreadful confusion which prevailed ; friends and 
foes, soldiers and officers, horse and infantry, men 
and women, were crowded together, and the 
darkness and stormy rain increasing the disas- 
ters of the fight, all soon became one vast 
scene of carnage and horror. Cortes, and a con- 
siderable body of his veterans, united in a strong 
phalanx, and forced their way across the remain- 



250 LIFE OF 

ing breaches, the dead bodies serving to fill up the 
ditches. When lie had readied the firm land, and 
found himself in comparative safety, he left his 
slender troop with Sandoval and Olid, who had 
happily effected their escape, ordering them to 
keep in compact order, to resist any fresh attack. 
He then, with the vigilance of an able commander, 
and the magnanimity of a great man, passed and 
repassed the last breaches, sometimes swimming, 
sometimes climbing over the promiscuous and san- 
guinary heaps with which they were choked.* 
These unwearied efforts he performed at the im- 
minent danger of his life ; but the deplorable con- 
dition of his unfortunate followers seemed to aug- 
ment the powers of his soul as well as the strength 
of his frame, in order to provide for their assist- 
ance. He encouraged some to persevere in their 
exertions — animated others to fight courageously 
— here aided them to reach firm ground, there 
to escape from the power of the enemy. How 
he was preserved from so fearful an accumulation 
of perils is not easily to be explained, unless by 
a strange concurrence of fortunate chances, and 
the extraordinary exertion of personal prowess. 

But though he wearied himself in efforts to pre- 
serve his army, he perceived with agony the dread- 
ful havoc which it had sustained. Some of his 
soldiers were overwhelmed by the number of the 
enemies, others were drowned or struggling in the 
lake, whilst he heard the piteous exclamations of 
the wounded, and the piercing cries of those who 
were carried away in triumph to be shortly sacri- 
ficed. In this mournful situation, he was joined 

* Clavigero, 



HERNAN CORTES. 251 

by a small troop, which he found to belong to the 
rear-guard. The party consisted of Alvarado, 
bleeding profusely, and scarcely able to stand, and 
about eight Spaniards and as many Tlascalans, 
all of them severely wounded, covered with blood, 
and exhausted by the desperate exertions which 
they had made to save their lives.* Alvarado in- 
formed Cortes that they were the only remains of 
the numerous detachment that composed the rear 
of the army — all the rest to a man, both Spaniards 
and allies, including the brave Velazquez de Leon, 
and other officers, being either slain or made pri- 
soners by the Mexicans.^ Alvarado further stated, 
that when he came to the third breach, not being 
able to face the thronging enemy, nor swim across 
without a certainty of being killed, by an effort of 
resolute despair be fixed his lance in the bottom 
of the ditch, and by its aid vaulted to the other 
side. This extraordinary leap, considered a mi- 
racle of agility, conferred on that place the name 
of Salto de Alvarado, or Alvarado's Leap, which 
it preserves to this day.;j; All the unfortunates 
who had been unable to escape in that night of 
sorrow,, (noche triste) a title by which it is still 
known in New Spain, assembled in the way to 
Tacuba. 

At the dawn of day, the Spaniards found them- 
selves in Popotla, near Tacuba, strewn about at 
random, wounded, exhausted, broken down in 
spirit, dismayed at the recollection of the past, 
and in the dark anticipation of new disasters. A 
scene of uncommon distress offered itself to the 



* B. Diaz. -)- Ibid. 

r iger 

X 



B. Diaz. 

: G-omara ; Clavigero ; Solis. 



252 LIFE OF 

afflicted eyes of their commander. He beheld 
the wretched remnants of his gallant army dread- 
fully reduced in number, sinking under their ca- 
lamities, and almost unfit for present service. 
More than one half of the Spaniards perished in 
this fatal retreat, together with four thousand of 
their allies. All the ammunition and artillery, as 
well as the baggage, was lost. Very few of the 
horses were saved, and a still smaller portion 
of the treasure. Indeed, the pernicious gold pro- 
ved fatal to many of the soldiers, especially those 
of Narvaez, who having encumbered themselves 
with bars of it, sunk under its weight, the victims 
of their imprudent avarice.* Almost all the Mexi- 
can prisoners perished, and amongst them the 
Prince Cacamatzin, a brother, a son, and two 
daughters of Montezuma. Many Spanish officers 
of note were also missing. Of these, the most 
conspicuous were Francisco Morla, Francisco Sau- 
cedo, and Amador de Lariz, who perished brave- 
ly, overpowered by the enemy. But the loss which 
was perhaps the most deeply to be deplored, 
was that of the gallant Juan Velazquez de Leon, 
who, on account of his surprising merit, as well as 
great services, was considered the second chief in 
the expedition.-)- He commanded the extreme 
detachment of the rear, which being overpowered 
by the enemy, not a single man was suffered to 
escape alive. 

So vast a calamity deeply wounded the heart 
of Cortes, and, despite his magnanimity of soul, 
he could not restrain the tokens of his affliction. 

* B. Diaz ; Clavigero. 

■J- Cortes, Relat. ; Gomara ; B. Diaz ; Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 253 

In a gloomy mood, he sat down upon a stone in 
Popotla, and there, as he cast a mournful look on 
the shattered remnants of his army, and reflected 
on the hrave companions and the friends he had 
lost, the tears of sorrow flowed unrestrained down 
his countenance. The death of Velazquez de 
Leon affected him deeply ; for in that brave young 
man, he lost not only one of his most able officers, 
but a dear and devoted friend. But to past dis- 
asters, he was to add the gloomy anticipation of 
future calamities ; he beheld many of his soldiers 
wounded, others enfeebled with fatigue, and all 
dejected with their recent catastrophe. Cortes, 
however, felt the necessity of fresh exertion ; and 
whilst his heart was breaking with anguish, began 
to form the ranks ; and his soldiers, to use the 
words of Robertson, observed with satisfaction, 
" that while attentive to the duties of a general, 
he was not insensible to the feelings of a man." 
Amidst so many disasters* however, he felt a com- 
fort in seeing that his gallant captains, Alvarado, 
Sandoval, Olid, Ordaz, Davila, and Lugo, were 
alive, and that the faithful Dona Marina, and the 
interpreter Aguilar, as well as the venerable father 
Olmedo, had also escaped destruction.* 

Hernan Cortes, though powerfully agitated by 
such an accumulation of misfortunes, with a great- 
ness of soul which nature bestows upon few, 
now smothered his rising sorrow, and applied all 
the energies of his mind to devise means for the 
protection of his followers. All the country around 
was in arms against them. To take shelter from 
an immediate attack, he accordingly directed his 

* Cortes, Relat. ; B. Diaz; Gomara, Chron. 



254 LIFE OF 

march to Otonealpolco, a temple which stood up- 
on a rising ground, nine miles westward from 
Mexico, and which was afterwards converted into 
the celebrated sanctuary, or Chapel of our Lady 
of Remedios, or of succour. Detached parties of 
the enemy attacked the Spaniards in this shelter 
during the day, but they were uniformly repelled 
by the vigilance of the chief, as well as desperate 
courage of his soldiers. Cortes naturally concei- 
ved that he could not expect to keep for any con- 
siderable time his position, as the whole surround- 
ing country would soon flock to an assault, which 
he could scarcely hope successfully to withstand, 
deprived as he was of artillery. Tlascala was the 
only place which seemed to offer a safe retreat in 
this emergency ; but that city lay at a great dis- 
tance, and in a contrary direction, Besides, he 
well anticipated that the Mexican army would al- 
ready be assembled in the road to cut off this last 
resource. Whilst he was deliberating with his 
officers, a Tlascalan offered to conduct the army 
through by-paths and secret defiles to his own 
country. 

The Spaniards undertook this toilsome march 
through a dreary and barren country, in some 
parts marshy, in others rugged and mountainous ; 
in all thinly inhabited, and scarcely cultivated. 
The hardships which the Spaniards endured in 
their progress were as severe as they were pro- 
longed. During six days that they marched 
without intermission, they were constantly harass- 
ed and annoyed by flying bodies of the Mexicans. 
An incessant and painful watch, an undaunted 
resolution, could alone guard them from their nu- 
merous attacks. Nor were these the only calami- 



HERNAN CORTES. 255 

ties which they had to encounter ; others of a still 
more painful nature assailed them on every side, 
and became daily more insupportable. To the 
danger of uninterrupted conflicts, and to the toils 
of an incessant march, they had to add the evils 
of a barren country, from which they could gather 
no provision, being obliged to silence their cra- 
ving appetite with the roots of the earth, berries, 
and other wild fruits. When they arrived at Za- 
camolco, they were reduced to such utter famine 
and distress, that they eagerly devoured a horse 
which had been killed that very day by the enemy. 
The Tlascalans threw themselves on the ground, 
imploring piteously the assistance of the gods, 
while they fed upon the herbs of that earth on 
which they lay prostrated.* 

But in the midst of such numerous and ap- 
palling distress, there was one consideration to 
support the sinking spirits of the Spaniards. Whilst 
subjected to incessant dangers from the enemy, 
and whilst labouring under the combined calami- 
ties of thirst, hunger, and fatigue, they observed 
the looks of their magnanimous leader undaunted, 
and his fortitude unshaken at those dire reverses 
of fortune. His mind appeared equal to every 
difficulty — his frame adequate to any exertion. 
He seemed to find new resources in his own breast 
against the repeated blows that conspired to over- 
power him ; and, far from bending beneath the 
oppressive weight, resolutely struggled against the 
unnatural pressure. The soldiers saw this, and 
the noble conduct of their general produced a cor- 
responding influence upon their own. On the 

* Clavigero. 
x2 



256 LIFE OF 

sixth day of the march, Cortes arrived near Otom- 
pan, and he observed several flying bodies of 
Indians, who, amidst other terms of contumely 
and indignation, constantly cried out — " Advance, 
advance, robbers, to receive the reward of your 
crimes I" An extensive valley was soon expand- 
ed to the view, and far as the eye could reach, 
a thick mass of armed warriors appeared. This 
prodigious army was composed of the soldiers of 
Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, and headed by 
the nobility of the country. Whilst a detachment 
of Indians had harassed the Spaniards in the rear, 
all the rest of this innumerable multitude had pro- 
ceeded directly to the plains of Otompan, which 
they anticipated the enemy must pass in their 
progress to Tlascala. 

At this formidable prospect, the Spaniards were 
no less astonished than alarmed. Even the stoutest 
hearts began to droop, and every one surmised 
that the moment of their doom was approach- 
ing.* Cortes saw the urgency of bold, prompt, 
and desperate exertion ; and without allowing the 
minds of his men to speculate on the extent of 
the threatened danger, he formed the wretched 
remains of his army, flanking the wings with the 
few horsemen he could still command. Then, 
with a look of animation, and a voice full of 
enthusiasm, he cried aloud — " The moment is 
arrived when we must either conquer or perish ! 
Castilians, arouse your spirit, place your confi- 
dence on high, and advance boldly to the charge !" 
The conflict was terrible — the Indians fought like 
frantic men, stimulated at once by superstition 

* Cortes, Relat. 



HERNAN CORTES. 257 

and revenge — the Spaniards used the giant efforts 
of brave human nature on the borders of despair. 
The small but compact battalion of Cortes broke 
several times through the unwieldy and massy 
multitudes that covered the plain. But this was 
of little avail, for whilst one side was routed and 
dispersed, another formidable body charged the 
Spaniards from a different quarter. The exertions 
of desperate courage, and the patience of fortitude, 
were inadequate odds against the renovated charges 
of enemies, all equally ferocious, and equally fresh 
for the encounter. After four hours' fierce en- 
gagement, Cortes beheld with dismay his army 
decreasing, and the rest of his followers almost 
unable to continue the contest through exhaustion 
and loss of blood. It was now he recollected to 
have heard that the Mexicans were thrown in- 
to confusion when they perceived their general 
slain, and the standard borne away by the enemy. 
He formed the daring attempt of trying the pe- 
rilous expedient as a last resource. He percei- 
ved Cihuacatzin, the general of the Indian army, 
arrayed in a rich habit, bearing a gilded shield, 
and carried on a litter by some of his soldiers. 
The standard was tied to his back, and was seen 
some feet above his head. A select body of war- 
riors were appointed to guard this sacred emblem, 
as well as the illustrious bearer. 

Cortes resolved to strike the desperate blow, 
and desired his brave companions, Alvarado, San- 
doval, Olid, and Davila, to follow close, and pro- 
tect him from attack ; whilst he himself, with a 
few resolute men, rushed forward, and plunged 
with heedless impetuosity amidst the thick mass 
of his enemies. He seemed to have collected all 



258 LIFE OF 

the energies of his mind, all the powers of his frame, 
for that decisive attempt. He overthrew the en- 
raged foes that opposed his headlong career ; and 
being efficiently seconded by his companions, he 
at length reached the centre of the army where 
the standard was seen. In a moment he came up 
to the general, and with one stroke of his lance 
stretched him on the ground. One of the brave 
and self-devoted Spaniards who accompanied 
Cortes in this daring exploit, quickly alighted from 
his horse, wrenched the standard from the posses- 
sion of Cihuacatzin, and put an end to his life. 
The enemy, discouraged by this reverse, were soon 
thrown into confusion, whilst the almost despairing 
Spaniards, feeling their hopes suddenly revived, 
rushed to the conflict with fresh vigour, routed and 
pursued the foe, and achieved one of the most 
splendid victories recounted in the conquest of the 
New World.* 

In this battle, both Spaniards and their Tlas- 
calan allies distinguished themselves in an ex- 
traordinary manner — none more so than Hernan 
Cortes. To his exertions was success especially to 
be ascribed ; and, according to his officers, they 
had never seen such a vigorous display of courage, 
magnanimity, or activity, as that afforded by their 
general on that memorable day. Sandoval, also, 
according to the testimony of Bernal Diaz, him- 
self a very brave man, merited particular praise 
for his gallant conduct ; and some historians be- 
stow warm encomiums on a woman called Maria 
de Estrada, who, armed with a lance and shield, 
was seen in the midst of the enemy exhibiting a 

* Cortes, Relat. ; B. Diaz ; Gomara, Cron. 



HERNAN CORTES, 259 

degree of intrepidity rare in the stronger sex, and 
extraordinary in her own. The loss of the enemy 
was very great. Some authors computed it to 
be no less than twenty thousand men ; a number 
which Solis supposes may be correct, considering 
that the enemy amounted to two hundred thou- 
sand men. Probably there is much exaggeration 
in both statements ; but there can be no doubt that 
the army must have been immense, if we pay at- 
tention to foregoing events and their sanguinary 
nature. Nor was the victory purchased at a mo- 
derate expense, the greater part of the Tlascalans 
having perished, as well as a considerable num- 
ber of Spaniards. Every one of the survivors came 
off wounded, Cortes himself having through his 
daring received a severe blow on the head, which 
growing worse, afterwards brought his life into 
the most imminent danger.* 

The Spaniards, however, by this great victory, 
were saved from despair, and pursued their march 
without molestation into the Tlascalan territories, 
which they entered on the following day, the eighth 
of July ; the first of the same month being render- 
ed memorable by their fatal retreat from Mexico. 
Their number was now reduced to four hundred 
and forty men — all the rest having perished in their 
departure from the capital, and the seven toil- 
some days that followed that disastrous event. 
The Spaniards entered the Tlascalan dominions, 
at once victorious and in the most deplorable 
condition — wounded, exhausted, depressed, their 
general in danger, and their hopes destroyed. To 
abandon their enterprise and return to Cuba, seem- 
ed the only alternative left in their misfortunes. 

*Clavigero. 



260 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XIX. 



Events previous to the Siege of Mexico, 

The Spaniards were received by their Tlasca- 
lan allies with a degree of sympathy for their ca- 
lamities highly creditable to them. Their fidelity, 
far from being shaken by the late disasters of those 
beings whom they had once considered invincible, 
seemed to have increased in proportion to their 
distress. But these friendly cares, though they 
contributed to lighten part of the load that op- 
pressed the mind of Cortes, could not remove the 
darkness of the horizon by which his prospects 
was bounded. The discontent of many of his 
followers became daily more apparent ; nor could 
he blame those murmurs which were produced by 
such dire misfortunes, and a total abandonment 
of hope. The soldiers of Narvaez were eager to 
renounce so severe and perilous a service, and re- 
turn to their peaceful habitation in Cuba. Andres 
de Duero, in particular, dismayed at the scenes 
which he had lately witnessed, was anxious to 
avoid their repetition, which he could not but 
consider as unavoidable should Cortes be tempt- 
ed to persevere in his desperate undertaking.* A 

• B, Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 261 

powerful party was soon formed, who, judging that 
nothing now remained hut to relinquish an enter- 
prise in which they had embarked without a suf- 
ficient force, presented a solemn remonstrance to 
their leader, demanding permission to quit the in- 
vaded country. 

Hernan Cortes listened to their representations 
with sentiments of deep sorrow, which he endea- 
voured to disguise under a show of composure. 
He well perceived that the complaints of his follow- 
ers were founded in justice, nor could he blame 
them ; yet though his army had been so dreadfully 
reduced, and though the remainder was in a most 
deplorable state, the magnanimous heart of the 
commander was unbroken and unsubdued. With 
a fortitude, of which we find few parallels in his- 
tory, he still clung to his original idea of subject- 
ing the vast empire of Mexico to the Spanish 
power. His recent disasters, severe as they had 
been, could not chill the ardour of his spirit, or 
darken the glittering hopes which he had formed. 
He was, therefore, firmly resolved on prosecuting 
his original design, and all the powers of his mind 
were now called into action to devise the means. 
His first care was to calm the discontent discern- 
ible in his followers, and for this purpose, before 
disaffection had ripened into tumult, he resolved 
to bring his little army into the field. 

The people of Tepejacac had sworn alliance 
to Cortes, but no sooner did they perceive that 
he was subject to reverses of fate like any other 
mortal being, than they treacherously rose in arms 
against their late friends, and cut off a considera- 
ble body that were marching from Chempoalla to 
Mexico. Cortes resolved to chastise this conduct, 



262 LIFE OF 

and used every effort to persuade his men to second 
so just an undertaking. The followers of Nar- 
vaez agreed at length, though reluctantly, to take 
a part in this expedition, as the Spaniards who 
had been slaughtered by the Tepejacacans belong- 
ed to their own party. Cortes could still depend 
with implicit confidence on the fidelity of the 
Tlascalans, who seemed every day more attached 
to the Spaniards, and of whom the four principal 
chiefs of the republic, besides a considerable num- 
ber of inferior men, had lately solemnly embraced 
the Christian faith. He selected, therefore, a di- 
vision of four thousand men, and took in person 
the command of the expedition. 

The Tepejacacans were soon brought to subjec- 
tion, and Cortes proceeded to their principal town. 
This district being fertile, and on the road to Vil- 
la-Rica, he established in it a settlement which he 
called Segura de la Frontera. He next occupied 
himself in several excursions, which tended in 
some degree to advance his designs, and, what 
was of still greater moment in his present situa- 
tion, materially contributed to divert the attention 
of the disaffected from their wishes of returning 
to Cuba. He pursued this line of conduct for 
several months, and in every engagement his in- 
trepidity was attended with success. These par- 
tial conquests and minor advantages, however, 
were insufficient to hold out any certainty with 
regard to the reduction of Mexico. Cortes had 
long revolved in his mind the difficulties which 
presented themselves towards a successful siege 
of that capital. The peculiarity of its situation 
threatened to baffle the endeavours of the most 
vigorous enemy, even if possessed of a force com- 



HERNAN CORTES. 263 

petent to the enterprise. Cortes foresaw he could 
scarcely indulge his expectations of success, as 
long as he could not command an entire possession 
of the lake. To obtain, therefore, so desirable 
an object, he had given orders for the construction 
of twelve brigantines, by the aid of which he con- 
ceived all his intentions would be fully answered.* 
He commanded a sufficient quantity of timber to 
be cut in the forests of Tlascala, and intrusted 
the direction for the building of those ships to 
Martin Lopez, who was then considered an excel- 
lent shipwright. In this instance, Cortes exhi- 
bited the fertility of his genius, no less than the 
strength of his perseverance, in a most striking 
manner. Fortune likewise seemed to smile on 
hts efforts, for he had considerably augmented his 
army by two small detachments of Spaniards who 
had unexpectedly landed on the coast. The first 
of these arrived in a vessel at Villa Rica, sent 
from Cuba by Diego Velasquez, and commanded 
by his lieutenant, Pedro Barba. This chief was 
attended by thirteen soldiers and two horses, and 
brought letters to Narvaez, with strict injunctions 
to send Cortes, if alive, to Cuba, that he might 
be conveyed in fetters to Spain ; such being the 
command of the Bishop of Burgos.f Barba and 
his followers, totally unacquainted with the result 
of the expedition of Narvaez, were artfully decoyed 
on shore by the governor of Villa Rica, immediately 
secured, and sent prisoners to Cortes. This ge- 
neral received them as countrymen and friends, 
and trying again his power of persuasion, he was 
not long in inducing the new-comers to join his 

* Cortes, Relat. + B. Diaz. 



264 life of 

standard. Barba farther informed Cortes, that 
another vessel, laden with stores and provisions, 
would shortly appear on the coast. It was cir- 
cumvented in the same manner as the former, and 
supplied an addition to the strength of Cortes.* 

But the most considerable reinforcement was 
afforded by Garay, governor of Jamaica. The 
expedition of his lieutenant, Pineda, to establish a 
settlement on Panuco, had terminated in the de- 
struction of that captain and all his men. An- 
other ship was sent under Camargo, in order to 
second the operations of Pineda ; but this second 
body of Spaniards, learning the disastrous end of 
their companions, and being at the same time af- 
flicted with dreadful distempers peculiar to the 
country, had been induced to take refuge among 
their countrymen at Vera Cruz. They then pro- 
ceeded to Front era, where Cortes was at the 
time, and readily entered his service. Their ex- 
ample was also followed by other bodies sent over 
by Garay, in the firm persuasion that his intended 
colony at Panuco had been established, and conti- 
nued in a flourishing state.f From these addi- 
tions, the force of Cortes had received an augmen- 
tation of a hundred and eighty men and twenty 
horses; a reinforcement too considerable, under 
existing circumstances, to be lightly passed over. 
To these fortunate events were added the uniform 
success which attended the partial excursion of 
Olid and Sandoval ; all which contributed at once 
to extend the reputation of Cortes for courage and 
benevolence, that commander using every gentle 

* B. Diaz ; Solis. 

+ Cortes, Relat. 5 B. Diaz. 



HERNAtf CORTES. 265 

means in order to conciliate the good will of the 
natives, rather than intimidate them into subjec- 
tion. From these several causes, the situation of 
the Spaniards had been so materially improved, 
that their general began again to cherish the most 
sanguine expectations with respect to the fortu- 
nate issue of his enterprise. 

But in the midst of these favourable circum- 
stances there was a constant source of disquiet 
in the mind of Cortes, from the ill-disguised dis- 
content of a portion of his men. The smiling 
aspect which affairs had recently taken, was not 
sufficient to make many of the followers of Nar- 
vaez forget the severe trials to which they had been 
previously exposed. And they either looked on 
the enterprise as chimerical and absurd, or did not 
consider the reward which would attend the achieve- 
ment as commensurate to the dangers and hard- 
ships by which it was to be obtained. The flame of 
discontent had been cherished in their bosoms, and 
though the persuasion of their general, added to the 
stimulus of immediate peril, had obliged them on 
several occasions to disguise their feelings, and act 
with a resolution in accordance with the urgency 
of the moment, yet they invariably returned to the 
subject of complaint as soon as an opportunity 
offered itself. Such a state of feeling could not 
be contemplated by Cortes without uneasiness, 
and he resolved at length to satisfy the desires of 
the malecontents. He was aware that a lesser evil 
would result to his slender army from a reduction 
of its force, than would accrue to the expedition 
in general, by suffering the disaffected to infuse 
their pernicious influence among the rest of the 
soldiers. Besides, the reinforcement which his 
troops had gained from the men of Barba and 



266 LIFE OF 

Garay, made Cortes the more willing to part with 
those of Narvaez, who had evinced a decided dis- 
inclination to continue in his service. 

He accordingly issued a proclamation, signify- 
ing, that all those who were anxious to return to 
their dwellings in Cuba, were at liberty as soon as 
they might think convenient, and that every thing 
should be afforded towards their safe and conve- 
nient departure. The greatest number of the dis- 
contented availed themselves of this permission, 
whilst others, though perhaps secretly inclined to 
pursue the same course, were yet prevented either 
by shame, or admiration of the conduct of their 
general. Amongst the number of those Spaniards 
who shrunk from the heroic intrepidity of their 
more generous companions, and relinquished their 
claims to the glory of so grand an undertaking, the 
most conspicuous was, Andres de Duero, who, as 
the special friend of Cortes, merits particular re- 
probation. The Spanish general selected one of 
the best vessels of the armament which had belong- 
ed to Narvaez, for the purpose of conveying Duero 
and his companions to Cuba. At the same time 
he sent Diego de Ordaz and Alonzo de Mendoza 
to Spain, with secret instructions to serve as a 
check against the malignity of the Bishop of Burgos, 
and present the conduct of Cortes in the most fa- 
vourable as well as the most dazzling light. He 
likewise dispatched Alonzo Davila, one of his 
principal officers, to Hispaniola, to give a faithful 
account of his proceedings and hardships to the 
royal audience, and use his best efforts with that 
court, and the brothers of the Order of Jeoromites, 
to espouse the interests of the expedition against 
the intrigues and misrepresentations of Velazquez 
and the Bishop of Burgos. At the same time, an- 



HERNAN (JORTES. 267 

other officer was sent to Jamaica, with a commis- 
sion to enlist adventurers, and purchase horses and 
military stores. 

These several missions being dispatched to their 
destinations, Cortes applied himself with greater 
alacrity to conclude all the arrangements prepara- 
tory to the siege of Mexico. He sent instructions 
to his confederate Indians to hold themselves in 
readiness. He next made a review of his forces, 
which, after deducting those who had returned 
to Cuba, owing to the several reinforcements re- 
ceived from the various quarters above specified, 
still amounted to five hundred and fifty infantry, 
among which were fourscore musketeers and cross- 
bowmen, forty horsemen, and nine pieces of artil- 
lery.* To this strength was added an army of 
ten thousand Tlascalans, and other faithful allies. 
The timber for building the vessels being now 
ready, and the necessary cordage, cables, sails, and 
other rigging, brought over from Villa Rica, Cortes 
saw nothing now to retard the commencement of 
his expedition against the Mexican capital. In a 
consultation held previous to his departure, it was 
resolved to select Tezcuco for their head-quarters, 
as that city was the best r adapted from its situation 
for making excursions and harassing the enemy. 

Every preparation being concluded, Cortes be- 
gan his march towards Mexico on the 28th of De- 
cember 1520, six months after his fatal and me- 
morable retreat from that capital.-)- But the Spa- 
niards had already forgotten the disasters of that 
night of woe, in the flattering anticipations of more 
fortunate events. 

* Cortes, Relat. f Ibid. ; B. Diaz. 

Y 2 



268 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XX. 



The Spaniards leave Tlascala, and Hostilities 
Recommence. 

Mexico was at this time in a suitable state of 
defence. Cuitlahuitzin, who succeeded Montezuma 
on the throne, had rendered his short but glorious 
reign memorable, not only by his vigorous attack 
and rout of the Spaniards on the night of their re- 
treat, but also by the efficient measures which he 
had taken to follow up successfully that first ad- 
vantage. He had used unwearied exertions to in- 
stil sentiments of hatred and horror towards the 
invaders of their country, among the various pro- 
vinces of the empire. At the same time, he ne- 
glected no endeavour to repair the devastation 
caused by the Spaniards in the capital, during 
their stay, and in bringing to the place every means 
of defence. He made fortifications, filled the ma- 
gazines with weapons, and ordered long spears to 
be made, which being headed with the swords 
taken from the Spaniards, he considered a most 
efficient species of arms against the cavalry. But 
in the midst of these honourable exertions Cuitla- 
huitzin fell a victim to the small-pox, a distemper 
hitherto unknown in America, but which raged 
at the time, having been introduced by a slave who 
had come in the train of Narvaez. 



HERNAN CORTES. 269 

The loss of Cuitlahuitzin was, however, render- 
ed less fatal by the merit of his successor, Quauh- 
temotzin, or Guatimozin, as he is usually called. 
This prince, a nephew of Montezuma, though a 
very young man, possessed such daring courage 
and abilities for command, that at this critical junc- 
ture he was considered by his countrymen worthy 
of being their chief, and was accordingly called 
with one accord to the throne.* Cortes advanced 
towards Tezcuco without opposition, and entered 
that city the last day of the year. The place, 
however, wore a melancholy and suspicious aspect 
at the arrival of the Spaniards. The streets were 
completely deserted, and neither women nor chil- 
dren were to be seen — a clear indication of hosti- 
lity. The inhabitants had busied themselves in 
carrying away their goods to the forests, or the bor- 
ders of the lake, where they could be protected by 
their canoes, while the Lord of Tezcuco and many 
persons of distinction had taken refuge in Mexico.f 

This flight served the interests of Cortes, for he 
soon learnt that Tezcuco was divided and affected 
by the spirit of faction, which circumstance he 
skilfully turned to his own advantage. The fugi- 
tive prince was represented as an usurper, who 
had murdered his elder brother, and owed his ele- 
vation to the influence of the present Mexican mo- 
narch. At the same time, a youth was pointed out 
as the rightful heir, and Cortes caused him to be 
immediately invested with the government. He 
further succeeded in his endeavours in persuading 
him to embrace Christianity — the prince was bap- 
tised, and received the name of the Spanish com- 

• Cortes, Relat. ; B. Diaz. + B. Diaz ; Clavigero. 



270 LIFE OF 

mander, who stood godfather in the ceremony.* 
To strengthen the bonds of amity that by this 
means united him to the Spaniards, Cortes ap- 
pointed Escobar and two other Spaniards to at- 
tend constantly on the prince. A treaty of alli- 
ance was entered into by the new Lord of Tez- 
cuco, who engaged to afford every assistance in 
his power to the Spaniards in their attack on 
Mexico— a promise which he kept with religious 
fidelity.-]- 

Cortes having arranged affairs in Tezcuco, de- 
termined to attack the city of Iztapalapan to take 
revenge on the aggressions of its former lord 
Cuitlahuitzin. He accordingly marched against 
that city at the head of two hundred and thirty- 
five Spaniards, and the whole of the Tlascalan 
forces. But the inhabitants, though they had re- 
cently obtained a reinforcement of eight thousand 
warriors, retreated to the canoes, or to the houses 
that stood isolated on the water, at the approach 
of the enemy. The Spaniards took possession of 
the town without the least impediment ; and as the 
night was closing, they resolved to take up their 
quarters in the place. A rush of water from the 
lake suddenly created alarm. The inhabitants had 
planned a stratagem, which would have inevita- 
bly ended in the destruction of the Spaniards, had 
not these been timely warned of their danger by 
some Tezcucan allies. The citizens, in order to 
destroy the enemy, had broke the mole of the lake, 
and caused a terrible inundation in the city. The 
alarm was sounded, a retreat commenced, and 
Cortes escaped this peril with the utmost difficul- 

* B. Diaz ; Solis. + Cortes, Relat. ; Gomara, Cron. 



HERNAN CORTES. 271 

ty ; but though he only lost two men, one horse, 
and a few Tlascalans, this instance of the ingenuity 
of the enemy occasioned much inquietude. 

But this partial evil was soon forgotten by the 
influence of more fortunate events. Ambassadors 
arrived from the cities of Mizquic, Otompan and 
others, to request the protection of the Spaniards 
for their inhabitants. Cortes behaved with uni- 
form kindness to the Indian messengers, and gladly 
accepted any overture of peace and alliance, as he 
was sensible how conducive such conduct was 
to the furtherance of his designs. The Spanish 
commander next resolved to gain possession of 
Chalco and Tlalmamalco, two towns which were 
of great importance to the Spaniards, as they lay 
in the direct road of Tlascala, and their head- 
quarters at Tezcuco. He accordingly sent a strong 
detachment of more than two hundred men, under 
the command of Sandoval and Lugo, for the pur- 
pose of driving the Mexicans from these districts. 
By this means, Cortes would be enabled to keep 
an open communication with Tlascala, a point of 
material interest to him ; for experience had taught 
him that the natives of that republic, who had been 
in the commencement so hostile to him, were ever 
afterwards his sincerest friends, as well as the most 
brave among his allies. This measure would like- 
wise open a clear intercourse with Villa Rica. 
Sandoval proceeded to the discharge of his com- 
mission, which he executed with perfect success, 
the inhabitants of Chalco being strongly inclined 
to join Cortes, but yet not daring to attempt to 
shake off the Mexican yoke.* 

* B. Diaz ; Clavigero, 



272 LIFE OF 

The materials for the construction of the brig- 
antines being now ready, Cortes resolved to bring 
them, without loss of time, from Tlascala. The 
success of the siege so materially depended on the 
vessels, that he was anxious to provide for their 
safety, and accordingly intrusted this important 
commission to Sandoval, with a considerable force, 
to serve as an escort, in conjunction with the war- 
riors of Tlascala. He further instructed that officer 
to proceed at the same time to Zoltepec, and chas- 
tise its inhabitants for the massacre of tbe forty 
Spaniards, and three hundred Tlascalans, who were 
surprised in their way from Vera Cruz to Mexico, 
at the time that Cortes was hastening thither to 
the aid of Alvarado. Upon the approach of San- 
doval, the Zoltepecans betook themselves to flight, 
and though they were pursued, only three were 
killed by the Spaniards, their leader having taken 
compassion on those he had made prisoners.* On 
his entering the town, however, objects struck his 
sight well calculated to move at once his compas- 
sion, and excite a desire of revenge. The Spa- 
niards found the walls of the temple and the idols 
besmeared with the blood of their unfortunate 
countrymen. The skins of two human faces, with 
their beards, were hung as trophies upon the altars, 
as were likewise those of four horses. On a wall 
of one of the houses, an inscription was written to 
the following effect : — " In this place, Juan Zuste 
and his wretched companions were confined/' -J* 
These mournful remains aroused the indignation 
of the Spaniards ; but fortunately they found no 
objects on whom to expend their rage, the place 

* B. Diaz. . f Ibid. ; Solis. 



HERNAK CORTES. 273 

being deserted by the men, while women and 
children, with piteous cries, implored the com- 
passion of their irritated foes ; and Sandoval, mo- 
ved by the expression of their sorrow and repent- 
ance, promised them that he would pardon the 
men, if, by their future obedience and conduct, 
they endeavoured to efface what was past.* 

From Zoltepec, Sandoval proceeded to Tlascala, 
where he found the materials for the brigan- 
tines ready for transport. A great army of Tlas- 
calans under Chichimecatl were prepared for de- 
parture. No less than eight thousand tamenis 
were employed in carrying the timber already 
shaped, together with the cordage, sails, and 
other rigging. Sandoval disposed his march with 
a prudence and skill that could scarcely be ex- 
pected from a young officer of three-and-twenty. 
He sent a strong detachment of Spaniards as an 
advance-guard, flanking the sides of so numerous 
a procession with small parties. During his march, 
several flying bodies of Indians appeared in the 
distance, but dared not approach to offer battle, 
and Sandoval had the satisfaction of discharging 
his commission without the slightest loss or mis- 
chance. Nothing could exceed the joy and mili- 
tary ceremonial upon their entry into Tezcuco. 
Cortes, attended by all his officers, attired in their 
best apparel, came in advance to meet the con- 
voy. His satisfaction was expressed in a most live- 
ly manner. He embraced Chichimecatl and two 
other chiefs, and thanked them for their valuable 
services and fidelity. No less than six hours were 
spent in entering Tezcuco. It was a day of re- 

* B. Diaz. 



274 LIFE OF 

joicing, and anticipated conquest. The allies 
marched dressed in their best attire, decked with 
gay plumes, sounding their horns, and striking joy- 
fully their drums, while the shouts of Castile and 
Tlascala rose in the air amidst the strains of the 
military instruments. 

Martin Lopez, a shipwright, having declared 
that twenty days would be occupied before the 
vessels could be launched into the lake, Cortes 
resolved to keep his men in activity previous to 
the siege of Mexico, by several partial expedi- 
tions against the neighbouring cities which were 
strongly attached to Guatimozin. Having in- 
trusted the command of Tezcuco to Sandoval, 
Cortes conducted this excursion in person, at- 
tended with an efficient detachment of Spaniards, 
and the whole force of the Tlascalans, under Chi- 
chimecatl.* The Spanish commander attacked 
the cities of Xaltocan and Tacuba ; the first of 
which was plundered and partially burnt down ; 
then returned to Tezcuco, having successfully 
achieved all his designs ; by which means he had 
carefully weakened the resources of the Mexicans 
before he ventured to lay a regular siege to the 
capital. It seemed as though fortune had again 
taken the Spaniards under her protection, who had 
so severely experienced her frowns. About this 
time, another detachment of Spaniards arrived at 
Tezcuco, proceeding from Vera Cruz, where they 
had landed. The vessel that brought these men, 
who were commanded by Julian de Alderete, was 
loaded with military stores. This circumstance may 
throw some light over the obscurity in which his- 

* B. Diaz ; Clavigero. 



HERNAN COHTES. 275 

torians have left this point. It is probable that this 
reinforcement proceeded from Hispaniola, where, 
as it has been stated, Cortes had sent an officer to 
recruit, and purchase the necessaries of war. Al- 
derete brought the joyful tidings that the Bishop 
of Burgos had been deposed from his authority 
over the West Indies ;* intelligence which was 
considered by Cortes as an event equal to the 
most signal victory. This circumstance, added to 
the late successes of the Spanish arms, and the 
recent exploits of Sandoval, who had completely 
routed the enemy at Huaxtepec and Jacapichtla,f 
contributed to increase the enthusiasm of the 
Spaniards, and their eagerness to commence the 
siege of Mexico. 

But Cortes, with his usual policy, was desirous 
to attempt a negociation before he proceeded to 
the most dreadful extremity of war. He concei- 
ved that the Mexican monarch might be induced 
to listen to amicable propositions, on the strength 
of the reverses which he had lately sustained, and 
the imposing attitude which the Spaniards were 
daily assuming. He felt, besides, anxious to ren- 
der himself master of the beautiful capital of the 
empire, without subjecting it to the havoc and 
destruction consequent on a protracted and des- 
perate siege. Guatimozin, however, scorned to 
listen to any overtures of peace ; and Cortes found 
that he had nothing to hope, but complete success 
by the force of arms, or total ruin. Under this 
impression he continued the hostilities preparatory 
to the siege with additional vigour. He proceed- 
ed to the conquest of Quauhnahuac, a populous 

* B. Diaz* f Clavigero. 



2^6 LIFE OF 

and handsome city, but strongly defended by tbe 
peculiarity of its situation. It was surrounded on 
one side by steep mountains, and, on the other, 
by a prodigious hollow, watered by a small river. 
A great perplexity arose concerning the most 
convenient quarter to attempt the assault, as the 
bridges had been raised, and no place seemed 
practicable. Meantime the enemy continued to 
annoy the Spaniards with showers of arrows and 
other missiles. At length, having searched in vain 
for the means of passing the ravine, Bernal Diaz, 
and some other soldiers, both Spaniards and Tlas- 
calans, ventured upon an expedient, as hazardous 
as it was ingenious. Having discovered two large 
trees, which grew on the opposite sides of the 
ravine, and were, in some measure, interwoven 
with each other, these daring men crossed over 
by this precarious passage, but not without immi- 
nent danger. Indeed three of them fell into the 
ravine, and were severely wounded. The enemy, 
so unexpectedly attacked, made but a feeble resis- 
tance, and fled into the adjacent woods and rocks.* 
Cortes next directed his attention towards Xo- 
chimilco, a large town on the lake of Chalco. 
Here the Spaniards met with a prodigious multi- 
tude prepared to oppose their progress. They 
had cut clown the bridges, and made themselves 
strong by constructing parapets and palisades ; but 
many of the soldiers got across by swimming, in 
which attempt several were drowned. The com- 
bat was extremely fierce and well disputed, and 
the Spanish general was on the point of losing his 
life. His horse having fallen under him among a 

• B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 277 

numerous party of the enemy, he was knocked 
down, and a throng pressing forward, they suc- 
ceeded in securing him, and were carrying him off 
in triumph. But at this awful moment, Christo- 
val de Olid rushed forward at the head of a body 
of Tlascalans, who came in time to rescue him 
from inevitable doom. Cortes and Olid received 
wounds on the head, but were enabled to escape 
from the foes that pressed around them by the 
efforts of their men, who viewed, not without dis- 
may, the perilous situation of their general, and 
exerted themselves in an extraordinary manner on 
his behalf. 

Cortes remained three or four days at Xochi- 
milco to recover from the fatigues of the prece- 
ding actions. Many of his soldiers, including 
himself, Alvarado, and Olid, were wounded, and 
required to be immediately tended, lest their 
wounds, from exposure, should render them unfit 
for future service, as had already happened in 
the case of some of his followers. During his 
stay, however, he was constantly harassed by 
fresh attacks from the Mexicans, in one of which 
they surprised and took alive four Spaniards, who 
had imprudently separated from their compa- 
nions in their anxiety to sack one of the houses 
on the lake. The Mexicans came in canoes, sur- 
rounded the place, and earned those unfortunates 
in triumph to the capital. Guatimozin examined 
those Spaniards concerning the strength of their 
companions, after which he ordered their hands 
and feet to be cut off, and in this mutilated con- 
dition he caused them to be paraded about the 
surrounding country. This was soon after fol- 
lowed by a cruel death, which he commanded to 



278 life or 

be inflicted upon them.* The fate of these men 
affected their general in an unusual manner. At 
the same time that it afforded a striking proof of 
the implacable ferocity of his enemies, it awoke in 
his mind the most gloomy reflections concerning 
the dismal doom to which he himself and all his 
brave companions were continually exposed. De- 
spite of his extraordinary firmness, he could not 
suppress an involuntary shudder when he consider- 
ed that he had been himself on the point of falling a 
victim to the same cruel destiny. Indeed, nothing 
could exceed in horror the fate of the prisoners 
who fell into the hands of the Mexicans ; and the 
stoutest might w r ell fear the anticipation, however 
remote, of his heart being torn out alive to be of- 
fered to the idols, and the rest of his body to be 
cut in pieces, and sold and devoured as the flesh of 
the brute creation. But it was the fate of Cortes 
never to experience fear until the danger was 
past. His impetuous intrepidity hurried him on ; 
and, not satisfied with the glory of a great chief, he 
even seemed ambitious to dispute the merit of the 
common soldier. When the heat of the fight was 
over, and his lucid mind had time for reflection, 
then it was that he trembled at the imminent 
danger to which his temerity had exposed him, 
and for the success of that enterprise of which he 
was the soul and chief support. 

* B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 279 



CHAPTER XXL 



Conspiracy against Cortes, and last Arrangements 
for the Siege. 

While Hernan Cortes was devoting the whole 
powers of his mind, and every exertion of activity 
and courage to lessen the power of the Mexicans, 
and facilitate their subjection, all his efforts were 
on the point of being overthrown from a source 
that could hardly be anticipated. A conspiracy, 
no less horrible than dangerous, had been secretly 
formed against his life ; and the fruit of so much 
labour and heroism, genius and perseverance, was 
about to be rendered void by the machinations of 
traitors. The followers of Narvaez had never been 
thoroughly imbued with the generous sentiments 
of Cortes's original companions. Though brave 
and resolute, in cases of emergency, they uniformly 
manifested their discontent at the protraction of 
dangers, hardships, and calamities, for which they 
had not come prepared. They had left their peace- 
ful dwellings at Cuba, in the expectation of achie- 
ving conquests with that facility which had marked 
the previous career of the Spanish arms in other 
portions of the New World. 

But, when they perceived their error — when 
they discovered that instead of easy triumphs, they 
z2 



280 LIFE OF 

were subjected to incessant danger and severe ser- 
vice, and that, far from finding an enemy ready to 
yield a bloodless victory, they met everywhere 
with a ferocious and warlike race, undaunted in 
courage, and not to be broken by misfortune or de- 
feat, they began to consider the attempt of redu- 
cing them as chimerical, and continually repined 
at the share which they were compelled to take. 
Neither the merit and popular character of Cortes, 
nor the magnanimous fortitude of his gallant com- 
panions, could be a sufficient counterpoise for the 
less generous feelings which actuated the hearts 
of the other Spaniards. The disaffection of those 
men naturally increased in proportion as the diffi- 
culties of the intended siege approached. The im- 
placable ferocity of the Mexicans, and the resolute 
disposition of their king and chief, made them sup- 
pose that nothing but a series of carnage, ruin, and 
devastation, was preparing for both parties. The 
reduction of a city defended by its peculiar situa- 
tion, and an almost innumerable host of fierce 
warriors, should it be achieved at all, could only 
be purchased by a protracted, no less than a san- 
guinary contest. 

To these considerations others of an equally 
fatal tendency were added. Many of the follow- 
ers of Narvaez had never been sincerely attached 
to their new commander. The prospect of ac- 
quiring wealth, or completing easy conquests, had 
induced them to enlist into the service of a leader 
whom they considered fully competent to conduct 
them to success. But while they paid a tribute 
of admiration to the merit of Cortes, their hearts 
were not bound to him by the ties of real attach- 
ment. Among so many men who had belonged to 



HERNAN CORTES. 281 

an expedition fitted out against that commander 
by Velasquez, it is not strange that several should 
be found still cherishing the sentiments which had 
inspired the governor. Cortes was accordingly 
considered as acting without a constituted autho- 
rity by the secret adherents of his former em- 
ployer, and the time that was not imperiously 
occupied in attacks or measures of defence, was 
fatally employed in irregular debate and censure. 
But now that the voice of fear was added to the 
ill-silenced accents of discontent, the conduct of 
Cortes appeared more culpable, and the prospect 
of success more improbable. 

There was in the army a private soldier named 
Antonio Villafaiia, a man of resolute character 
and an intriguing disposition. This individual be- 
ing strongly devoted to the interests of Velazquez, 
and averse to the proceedings of Cortes, secretly 
fomented the spirit of revolt with which some of 
the soldiers were affected. By his artful endea- 
vours this fatal disposition began to extend, until 
the success of his first manoeuvres emboldened 
him to project a more daring and diabolical de- 
sign. The minds of the malecontents being thus 
prepared for a desperate act, clandestine meetings 
were held in the apartments of Villafana, who de- 
clared to his companions that all their evils might 
be remedied by the death of Cortes and his prin- 
cipal adherents. The horrid idea was readily wel- 
comed by the traitors, who immediately bound 
themselves to the conspiracy, and, affixing their 
signatures to a document presented by its author, 
promised to exert themselves most zealously in 
increasing the number of associates. By the skil- 
ful exertions of these men, the list was daily in- 



282 LIFE OF 

creasing, till at length they had obtained sufficient 
strength to put their treacherous plan into execu- 
tion. But when every thing was ripe for the in- 
tended blow, and inevitable destruction seemed to 
hang over the heads of Cortes and his friends, for- 
tune, which was so conspicuous in the career of 
that great man, came in good time to interpose 
against the threatened danger. 

On the eve of the day selected for the perpe- 
tration of the scheme, a soldier, one of Cortes's 
original followers, came with much caution to the 
Spanish commander, earnestly requesting a pri- 
vate interview. This being granted, the Spaniard 
threw himself at the feet of his chief in the utmost 
perturbation, and disclosed the hellish plot in which 
he himself had engaged, but of which, touched at 
last with remorse at his guilt, no less than moved 
at the intended doom of his glorious commander, 
he had in time repented. The first mention of 
such a dark scheme filled Cortes with surprise and 
horror, but his emotion was considerably height- 
ened when the whole plan and extent of the con- 
spiracy was unfolded. It appeared that the trai- 
tors had decreed the assassination of Cortes, San- 
doval, Alvarado, and his brothers, Olid, Tapia, 
the two Alcaldes, Marin and Ircio, together with 
B. Diaz del Castillo, and other soldiers, strongly 
attached to Cortes. They were to be massacred 
while at table ; but the better to secure success to 
the plot, a letter was feigned to arrive from Vera 
Cruz, and as Cortes should be occupied in its pe- 
rusal, he was to receive the fatal blow.* The com- 
mand of the army was then to be given to a bro- 

* Solis. 



HERNAN CORTES. 283 

ther-in-law of Velazquez, and the different other 
posts were also to be filled by several of the fol- 
lowers of Narvaez. It further appeared, that as 
soon as the first crime was perpetrated, the con- 
spirators were to sally forth at the cries of liberty, 
and oblige the newly-appointed leader to conduct 
them back to Cuba. 

Cortes was sensibly affected at this fearful dis- 
covery, but his presence of mind and prudence did 
not desert him in so important a moment. He as- 
sumed the composure suitable to the occasion ; and 
calling to himself Alvarado, Sandoval, and others 
of the intended victims, proceeded without loss of 
time to Villafaiia's quarters. There he surprised the 
traitor and some of his associates, who, astounded 
at so unexpected a visit, afforded in the consterna- 
tion of their looks, ample evidence of their guilt. 
Some of them attempted to escape, but were quick- 
ly seized by the attendants of Cortes, whilst the 
general himself laid hold of Villafana, from whose 
bosom he snatched a paper containing the names of 
the conspirators. He cast a hurried glance over 
the dark document, and was struck with sorrow, 
no less than horror, at the extent of the defection, 
and the ingratitude of some of its members. But 
the conduct of Cortes in this crisis was such as 
bespoke a mighty, generous, as well as extraordi- 
nary self-possession. Instead of giving vent to a 
spirit of just revenge, he confined every violent 
feeling in the recesses of his own breast, and resol- 
ved to adopt that calm line of conduct which was 
advisable in this transaction. The accomplices of 
Villafana who had been arrested, were consigned 
to prison, while their chief was immediately sub- 
jected to a trial. His guilt being fully established, 






284 LIFE OF 

he was condemned to death, and on the following 
morning he appeared hanging before the door of 
his quarters. 

Cortes then ordered the other prisoners to be 
set at liberty, and having assembled his troops, he 
imparted to them the atrocious design of Villa- 
fana and his associates. He then made a skilful 
and impassioned oration on the heinousness of his 
crime and the justice of his punishment, adding, 
that he felt extremely gratified that the doom of 
the traitor fell on no other Spaniard, he having, 
upon his arrest, swallowed a paper, which was, no 
doubt, the list of his accomplices, whose names 
remained by this means buried in oblivion, Cortes, 
in making this declaration, kept his feelings under 
such control, that while some of his intended as- 
sassins stood before him, he never betrayed the 
slightest symptom of anger or revenge. By this 
master stroke of policy — by this strong dominion 
over his passions, he restored tranquillity to many 
a guilty heart ; and he had the advantage of pre- 
serving the lives of a considerable body of men, 
which he could ill spare at the present juncture ; 
besides, he was enabled for the future to keep a 
strict guard over the disaffected, while they, in 
their turn, observed a more laudable conduct in 
their eagerness to prove their zeal and remove any 
suspicion which conscious guilt attached to them.* 

This fearful conspiracy being thus prudently 
crushed, Cortes, with great skill, endeavoured to 
divert the attention of his men from so painful a 
subject, to a speculation of a more animating na- 

* Cortes, Rel. ; B. Diaz ; Herrera ; Solis ; Clavigero, &c. 



HERNAN CORTES. 285 

ture. Observing that all his preparatory arrange- 
ments for the siege of Mexico were now con- 
cluded, and impatient to occupy the attention of 
his soldiers, he resolved to accompany the launch- 
ing of the brigantines with the greatest pomp and 
i solemnity. On the 28th of April, he assembled 
all his troops, both Spanish and Indians ; and the 
former having attended mass, and received the com - 
munion, the whole army was drawn in military 
array along the banks of the canal. The vessels 
were solemnly blessed by Father Olmedo, who 
bestowed a name upon every one as they were 
launched. All eyes were fixed upon them with 
delight, as they considered them as the instruments 
of future success. Accordingly, when upon en- 
tering the lake, they hoisted their sails and began 
to plough the water, under a stirring salvo of ar- 
1 tillery, Te Deum was sung, and a general shout of 
joy arose, mingled with the strains of martial mu- 
sic* " Ail admiring," says Robertson, " that 
bold inventive genius, which, by means so extra- 
ordinary that their success almost exceeded be- 
lief, had acquired the command of a fleet, without 
! the aid of which Mexico would have continued to 
set the Spanish power and arms at defiance." 
Cortes then made a general review of his forces, 
I as well as of the ammunition which he possessed to 
i carry on the siege. He found himself at the head 
1 of eighty-six horsemen, and more than 800 in- 
fantry, together with three large iron cannon, 
fifteen small field-pieces, a great quantity of balls 
and arrows, and a thousand pounds of gunpowder. 
This strength, added to the numerous force which 

* Cortes, Relat, ; Gomara $ Clavigero. 



>86 



LIFE OF 



the Tlascalans and other allies brought into the 
field, he flattered himself would be fully adequate 
to the reduction of the great Mexican capital. 
Cortes then divided his army into three parts, to 
each of which he appointed a commander, and as- 
signed the station in which it was to operate. He 
had resolved to invest the city by three different 
quarters, and accordingly made those arrange- 
ments which he considered most available to suc- 
cess. The towns of Tepejacac, Tacuba, and Co- 
johuacan, were situated in the causeways, and 
served to defend the capital from the first attacks. 
The three divisions of the army, containing nearly 
an equal number of Spaniards, were to establish 
themselves in these three points, to act under the 
immediate command of Sandoval, Alvarado, and 
Olid. To each of these officers he further allotted 
a numerous and equal body of the auxiliary In- 
dians. As he considered the conducting of the bri- 
gantines to be the part of the undertaking of 
greater danger and importance, he reserved their 
command to himself, having provided each vessel 
with a small cannon, and manned it with twenty 
Spaniards. 

All the Indian allies that were not immediately 
wanted were to remain at Tezcuco until there 
should be occasion for their services. The dispo- 
sition which Cortes had made of his forces was 
such as to justify his prudence and abilities. He 
had intrusted the command of those three bodies 
to those officers who had invariably stood nearest 
himself in the various transactions of the expedi- 
tion. Of their courage and merit he had recei- 
ved incontestible proofs, and they had been de- 
voted to his interest from the commencement of 



HERNAN CORTES. 287 

the enterprise. He took the conduct of the ves- 
sels, contrary to the opinion of his officers,* though 
neither the causes of this difference are known, 
nor those which induced Cortes to follow such 
a plan. The only solution which can be given 
is the one already afforded, the conviction that 
the brigantines were the chief support of the 
siege, and consequently the post naturally assigned 
to the general. Alvarado and Olid proceeded 
(10th May) to Tacuba with their divisions. The 
first object of their hostility was to destroy the 
aqueduct of Chapoltepec, as by this means they 
expected to reduce the Mexicans to great distress 
from the want of water.-]- 

As soon as the Spanish chiefs had taken posses- 
sion of Tacuba, they lost no time in putting their 
design into execution. But this plan was not to 
be accomplished without much danger as well as 
difficulty. With a foresight superior to the genius 
ascribed to the Mexicans, they had prepared every 
means of defence, and when the Spaniards pro- 
ceeded to their task they found a formidable host 
prepared to oppose them. A brisk engagement 
soon took place, in which, after a short resistance, 
the Mexicans were repulsed, and retreated. Alva- 
rado and Olid then cut off the pipes of the aque- 
duct, by which means the city was from that mo- 
ment deprived of fresh water.J Encouraged by 
this first success, the Spaniards determined to 
take possession of the first bridge on the cause- 
way of Tacuba, but on approaching the spot, they 



* Clavigero. 

t Cortes, Relat. $ Gomara, Chron. ; B. Diaz. 

X B. Diaz. 

2A 



288 LIFE OF 

were astonished at the immense multitudes that 
thronged the causeway, no less than the number 
of canoes that covered the surface of the lake on 
both sides of the bridge. The Spaniards perceived 
they could scarcely hope to achieve their purpose ; 
but with that reckless courage which character- 
ized all their operations, they rushed to the at- 
tack. At the very first discharge of the Indian 
missiles, three Spaniards were slain and thirty 
wounded. The principal mischief wrought on 
the Spaniards proceeded from the incessant show- 
ers of arrows, darts, and stones, hurled from the 
canoes, the tenants of which being defended by 
high wooden screens, and under comparative se- 
curity, they aimed at the Spaniards in a narrow 
passage, as at a certain mark. After continuing 
for some time in an unavailing attempt, Alvarado 
and Olid were compelled to relinquish their ob- 
ject, and commanded a retreat intoTacuba. In this 
action the Spaniards lost eight men, and had above 
fifty wounded.* This disaster checked the fur- 
ther progress of the two chiefs, who now resolved 
to observe only a defensive attitude, until Cortes 
should come up with the brigantines to second 
their attempts. 

Alvarado took up his quarters in Tacuba, ac- 
cording to the instructions he had received ; and 
Olid pursued his march to his station at Cojohu- 
acan on the festival of Corpus Christi, which fell 
that year on the 30th of May ; on which day, ac- 
cording to the statement made by Cortes, the me- 
morable siege of Mexico commenced. 

* B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CdRTES. 289 



CHAPTER XXII. 



Prosecution of the Siege. Assault and Defeat of 
the Spaniards. 

Hernan Cortes having brought his flotilla into 
the lake, his first design was to attack an insular 
rock which stood contiguous to Mexico, and to 
which a vast number of the inhabitants had fled 
for refuge. Perceiving his design, the whole naval 
force of the enemy collected, and no less than 
four thousand large canoes advanced boldly against 
the brigan tines. Cortes now took his vessels into the 
most open part of the lake, and forming them into 
the shape of a crescent, awaited the advance of 
the Mexicans. A brisk gale springing up, in a 
moment the sails were hoisted, and the vessels 
broke through the crowd of canoes without diffi- 
culty, oversetting a great number, and dispersing 
the rest of the inefficient, though numerous arma- 
ment, with considerable loss.* 

As soon as Olid discovered from the temple of 
Cojohuacan the conflict on the lake, he proceeded 
in order of battle along the causeway that led to 
Mexico, took possession of some trenches, and 
routed the enemy. Cortes, in the meantime, at- 

• Cortes, Relat. ; B. Diaz. 



290 LIFE OF 

tacked the bastion erected on the angle made by 
the conjunction of the roads of Cojohuacan and 
Iztapalapan. This place, called Xoloc, was de- 
fended by the Mexicans with great obstinacy, but 
was soon stormed and taken by the aid of two 
large cannon, which caused great havoc among the 
multitude that incumbered the road. No situation 
appeared to Cortes more advantageous than this 
for establishing his camp, and he accordingly se- 
lected it for that purpose, becoming by this means 
master of the principal road to the capital, besides 
having the convenience of being able immediately 
to communicate with the station of Olid's division. 
The next care of the Spanish general was to protect 
the three divisions of his army from the incessant 
mischief caused by the canoes, and to this end he 
distributed his fleet among the three quarters from 
which the city was to be attacked, giving orders 
to obey the instructions/and second the operations, 
of the chiefs who commanded those ports. * 

From this moment an uninterrupted series of 
attacks and retreats, skirmishes and manoeuvres, 
commenced. Alvarado made a fresh attempt every 
morning to penetrate into the city, and after a day 
of fierce contest, he was compelled to retrace his 
steps to Tacuba. As the causeway on this side 
was by far the shortest road to Mexico, it is not 
singular that it should be more carefully guarded, 
nor that there the engagements should be more 
frequent. The hardships consequent on so se- 
vere and uninterrupted a service, were enough to 
break down any spirit but those possessed of ro- 
mantic enthusiasm, as well as inordinate ambition. 

* B. Diaz; Gomara. 



HERNAN CORTES. 291 

The Spaniards beheld their numbers decreasing by 
every fresh attack. They were compelled to fight 
without intermission, and to receive fresh wounds 
before the old ones had been healed ; but no pre- 
text could exempt a soldier from his duty, and he 
who in the preceding fight had received injury, 
returned in the morning to increase his misery or 
meet his death.* The danger was renewed every 
day, and fresh toil succeeded to the fatigue of the 
preceding exertions. The Mexicans repaired during 
the night the destruction which their enemies bad 
effected in the day. Nor could the dreadful 
slaughter which marked every preceding engage- 
ment, calm the courage of those Indians, or tend 
to intimidate them from their implacable obstinacy 
of defence. 

Another disappointment now succeeded — the 
destruction of the aqueduct of Chapoltepec, by 
which it was hoped to cut the supply of water from 
the city, was rendered of no avail, as that article 
was regularly supplied by the canoes from the 
towns on the borders of the lake. Nor was the 
idea of reducing Mexico by famine to be enter- 
tained, as every article of food was abundantly af- 
forded by the same means. To check such re- 
sources, Cortes destined two brigantines to watch 
at night, and intercept the canoes with provisions ; 
but this plan scarcely answered the intended effect. 
The Mexicans were shrewd in proportion to the 
exigencies for the exertion of their ingenuity, and 
they not only baffled, by the quantity of their ca- 
noes sailing in different directions, the designs of 
the enemy, but on one occasion decoyed the two 

• B. Diaz. 
2 a2 



292 LIFE OF 

brigantines to the borders of the lake, where they 
had thirty large piraguas in ambush. The strata- 
gem succeeded, and the vessels were suddenly sur- 
rounded by the enemy in a situation where they 
could only manoeuvre with difficulty. Every Spa- 
niard was wounded ; the captain of one brigantine 
was slain, and Pedro Barba, a person of conse- 
quence, and whose name has already appeared in 
this history, died shortly after of the wounds he 
had received.* The distresses of the Spaniards 
were augmented by the periodical rains, which now 
commenced. But this inconvenience in no man- 
ner suspended the hostilities, which were carried 
on with unabated vigour, daily attacks being made 
both by sea and land, without producing any de- 
cisive results. The division of Alvarado, however, 
had approached nearer to Mexico, from the short- 
ness of the causeway of Tacuba ; and the Spa- 
niards, as they advanced, took special care to de- 
molish the buildings in their way, the materials of 
which served to fill up every ditch and canal 
which obstructed their progress. It would be a 
tedious and uninteresting task to recount a repe- 
tition of skirmishes, fights, and manoeuvres, which 
occupied every hour of the day on both sides. 
Suffice it to say, that by day, and in the darkness, 
by sea and by land, one danger succeeded another ; 
and that the soldiers had not reposed from the toil 
of a severe duty, when they were summoned to 
sustain fresh hardships. 

No less mortified than astonished at the pro- 
tracted disasters of the siege, Cortes now resolved 
on a general assault. He commanded Alvarado 

* B.Diaz 5 Solis. 



HERNAN CORTES, 293 

and Sandoval to lead on their division, whilst he 
himself took charge of that stationed at Cojohua- 
can, and on the following day (July 3) the three 
several detachments of the army advanced to the 
attack. The Mexicans were on the alert, and a 
conflict equal in animosity to any of the former 
ensued. But the division of Cortes continued to 
gain ground, that intrepid commander carrying all 
opposition before him. In his ardour, however, 
he did not perceive that he had arrived at a part 
where the water was very deep, and the causeway 
had been narrowed. The Mexicans by a feint re- 
treat tempted him to pursuit, until they had suf- 
ciently drawn him into their toils. The Spa- 
niards, with resistless force, had gained one barri- 
cade after another, and were congratulating them- 
selves with the near approach of success, when 
Guatimozin ordered several detachments of the 
army to repair by different streets, and by water, 
to the grand ditch in the causeway, to cut off the 
retreat of the enemy. This manoeuvre was suc- 
cessfully accomplished, Julian Alderte, the officer 
charged to fill up the ditches, having neglected 
his duty in his ardour to follow his companions. 
Suddenly the ominous sound of the great drum, 
together with the awful blast of the horn of the 
god Painalton, which instruments were used by 
the priest in cases of extreme public necessity, now 
summoned the Mexicans to redouble their exer- 
tions. The warriors, inspired to a sort of gloomy 
frenzy by those diabolical strains, hurried to the 
charge with a raging ferocity, and regardless of all 
danger. Cortes and his troop, who had arrived at 
the capital, alarmed by this general uprising, no 
less than astounded by the fearful yells, and pro- 



294 LIFE OF 

digious uproar, as well as uncertain of the fate of 
his chiefs, Alvarado and Sandoval, considered it 
advisable to effect a retreat. This was accord- 
ingly attempted, with sufficient order in the com- 
meDcement, but no sooner had the Spaniards ar- 
rived at the narrow portion of the causeway, and 
beheld the formidable host surrounding them, than 
the most dreadful confusion began to prevail, and 
the retreat assumed the aspect of a total rout.* 
Terror soon augmented the disorder, and horse- 
men and foot, Spaniards and allies, all plunged 
heedlessly into the fatal gap, offering an easy vic- 
tory to the enemy. To increase the disasters of 
that mournful day, the brigantines could not pro- 
tect the Spaniards, being prevented from approach- 
ing the causeway by strong pallisades, which the 
Mexicans had sagaciously fixed under water. 

A horrible scene ensued. Amidst the shouts of 
frantic exultation of the enemy, Cortes beheld his 
men falling on every side ; some unable to creep 
on by reason of their wounds, and many carried 
away in the canoes by the exulting Mexicans to 
be sacrificed. It was now that he exerted himself 
in an extraordinary degree. Not only his duties 
as a chief, but his feelings as a man, were deeply 
interested in this melancholy occasion. Unmind- 
ful of the imminent danger to which he was ex- 
posed, he strained every effort to save his sinking 
countrymen, cheering some, encouraging others, 
and protecting many by his own individual efforts. 
This conduct was highly creditable to his charac- 
ter, and tended to endear him to those soldiers of 
whose safety he appeared so solicitous on every 

• B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 295 

occasion. In the midst of his magnanimous ef- 
forts, he received a wound in the leg, and shortly 
afterwards was seizedby six Mexican captains, who, 
despite of his desperate struggle, were carrying 
him off in triumph. His doom appeared inevitable, 
when by one of those heroic feats of self-devotion 
which do honour to man, two brave Spaniards, call- 
ed Christopher Olea, and Lerma, flew to the assist- 
ance of their general, and succeeded in rescuing 
him from the hands of his enemies. Olea killed 
four of the captains, and, covered with wounds, 
gallantly lost his life in preserving that of his chief ; 
whilst Lerma was nearly sinking, when Quinones 
and several other Spaniards and Tlascalans came 
timely to extricate them from their dreadful situa- 
tion. Cortes was lifted out of the water and placed 
on a horse, after which the shattered remains of his 
division effected their disastrous retreat with the 
utmost difficulty.* 

Alvarado and Sandoval were not more success- 
ful in their attacks. The former was vigorously 
repulsed by the enemy, who, after the defeat of 
Cortes's division, crowded in greater numbers 
against the other two. But the Mexicans used 
stratagem as well as resolution and perseverance 
in the engagement. They threw five bleeding 
heads to the Spaniards, pretending that they be- 
longed to Cortes, Sandoval, and other chiefs, and 
vaunting that Alvarado and his companions should 
soon meet with the same fate.f Dismay began to 
prevail, and every object round tended to confirm 
the fears of the Spaniards concerning the horrible 
catastrophe of the two other detachments, the dis- 

* B. Diaz ; Clavigero, + B. Diaz. 



296 LIFE OF 

tance from each other preventing them from as- 
certaining their respective situations. Alvarado 
accordingly gave the word to retreat, which ope- 
ration was accompanied with the same toil and 
danger that had attended the similar movement of 
Cortes. 

Of the three divisions, that of Tepejacac, led on 
by Sandoval, sustained the least share in this mis- 
fortune. That gallant and intrepid commander had 
advanced victoriously, and already congratulated 
himself with the certainty of success, when the 
defeat of the two other commanders changed the 
fortune of the day. To his astonishment he found 
himself continually assailed by new enemies, who 
now resorted to the same stratagem which they 
had used in the case of Alvarado, throwing several 
gory heads, as those of that chief, Cortes, Olid, and 
others. Sandoval continued his exertions with 
dauntless perseverance, but at length, despairing 
of attaining his object, he retraced his steps, though 
in so orderly a manner that he brought his division 
to their quarters in safety, having only two slain, 
though several wounded, of whom, amongst the 
most severely, was himself.* In this disastrous 
assault above sixty Spaniards perished and fell 
alive into the hands of the enemy ; also a great 
number of allies were slain, and the greater portion 
of the survivors came off with wounds. To this 
loss was added that of six horses, one cannon, and 
a considerable quantity of arms.-f- 

Night came, not to afford repose and solace, but 
to supply new subjects of sorrow to the drooping 

■ B. Diaz. 

f Cortes, Kelat. ; Gomara, Chron. ; B. Diaz ; Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 297 

spirits of the Spaniards. Though the conflict was 
ended, a prolongation of its horrors was fearfully 
rehearsed in the display of the enemy's triumph. 
The stillness of that gloomy night was disturbed 
by barbaric shouts of exultation, whilst its dark- 
ness was superseded by the glowing illumination 
of the temples and other edifices. The inhabitants 
were celebrating their victory with a frightful fes- 
tival. The splendour which illumined the whole 
city enabled the Spaniards of the division of Alva- 
rado, on the causeway of Tacuba, to see the priests 
hurrying about in all the bustle of preparation, for 
the sacrifice of their unfortunate companions. Sud- 
denly the horrifying sound of the great drum, toge- 
ther with the horns and trumpets of the temple of 
the god of war, filled the air with their doleful notes ; 
and the shortness of the distance of Alvarado's sta- 
tion enabled his men to be the melancholy specta- 
tors of the sanguinary and odious scene performing 
in the temple. They beheld their companions stript 
naked, and adorned with feathers, compelled by 
blows to dance before the idols to which they were 
shortly to be offered in sacrifice* They distinctly 
heard their piercing ciies, mingling with the fear- 
ful uproar of the instruments, and shouts of joy of 
their enemies. They even fancied they could per- 
ceive the helpless victims stretched on the sacrifi- 
cial stone, when their hearts were torn out, and 
offered yet warm and palpitating to the monstrous 
idol, whilst the bodies were thrown down the steps 
of the temple, to be feasted on by those to whom 
they belonged by right of capture. A pang of hor- 
ror shot through the stoutest heart of the spectators 
at such a dismal scene, whilst even the most unfeel- 
ing could not refrain from tears of compassion. But 



298 life of 

personal danger was added to human sympathy, 
and every one contemplated, with mingled senti- 
ments of sorrow and dismay, a bloody spectacle in 
which they might themselves be actors at some 
future time. # 

The state of mind of Hernan Cortes was dis- 
tressing in the highest degree. Whilst he felt the 
recent disaster as deeply as any one of his follow- 
ers, his station compelled him to check his feel- 
ings, and assume that calmness and composure 
which he could ill enjoy under such severe cala- 
mity. His fortitude was subjected to a dreadful 
trial, but the greatness of his soul bore him through. 
He knew that the least manifestation of despon- 
dency on his part would infect his followers with 
a most disastrous contagion. He summoned to 
his assistance all his powers, and though labouring 
under the accumulated pressure of defeat, exhaus- 
tion, and wounds, such a complication of misfor- 
tunes was neither sufficient to bend his heart, nor 
to make him relinquish the hopes of retrieving the 
great conquest he had undertaken. But the mo- 
ment required an uncommon display of fortitude 
and magnanimity. Elated with their victory, and 
sanguine of a repetition of success, the Mexicans 
pursued the most active measures to the further- 
ance of their plans. They came to attack Cortes 
in his quarters, and though repulsed, yet their con- 
stant annoyance greatly distressed the Spaniards 
in their present deplorable condition. 

But another source of anxiety came to distract 
the attention of Cortes, and augment his difficul- 
ties. The Mexicans had sent the heads of the 

* Cortes, Relat. $ B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 299 

Spaniards who had been recently sacrificed, to the 
neighbouring towns and provinces, declaring to 
the inhabitants, that the gods, propitiated by the 
blood of the enemy shed on the altars, had pro- 
mised that in eight days those hated invaders would 
be totally destroyed, and peace restored to the 
Mexican empire. The fatal effects of these pre- 
dictions were soon manifest to the Spaniards. The 
superstition of the Indians induced them to give im- 
plicit credence to the prophecy, and aroused them 
to second the views of their deities. The pro- 
vinces hostile to the Spaniards were more vividly 
inflamed. Those who had remained neutral now 
made common cause with the Mexicans, and the 
Indian allies began gradually to abandon their for- 
mer friends. Even the Tlascalans were not proof 
against the general contagion, and Cortes soon 
found himself almost abandoned by his auxiliaries. 
But justice requires us to mention, that the brave 
Chichimecatl, and the brother of Tezcuco, toge- 
ther with other nobles, and about eight Tlascalans, 
scorned to forsake their former friends when they 
saw them in misfortune.* 

In this critical juncture Cortes resolved to sus- 
pend hostilities, until the term appointed by the 
Mexican oracle should be accomplished. He made 
dispositions to be upon the defensive, and, protect- 
ed by the brigantines, he remained the eight omi- 
nous days, patiently waiting the moment when the 
falsity of the prediction would be made apparent. 

* B. Diaz ; Gomara, Cron. 



2s 



300 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XXIII. 



Capture of Guatimozin, and Reduction of Mexico, 

The fated term passed, and the oracle proved 
false. The Spaniards remained undestroyed, and 
the Indians ashamed of their defection, flocked 
back to the standard of Cortes, with the same fa- 
cility that they had forsaken it. By this means, 
and the addition of other tribes of Indians, the 
Spanish commander quickly found himself at the 
head of 50,000 auxiliaries.* At this time a ves- 
sel arrived at Villa Rica with men and ammunition, 
which article came most seasonably, as the Spa- 
niards had nearly expended all their gunpowder, 
and were reduced to a great dilemma in conse- 
quence. On the arrival of this reinforcement, Cortes 
determined to pursue his operations against the 
Mexicans. He had already spent forty-five days 
in a desperate siege, and he was no less surprised 
than exasperated at the delay. He resolved, how- 
ever, upon a different plan of attack, and, instead of 
the daring attempts which had marked his pre- 
vious operations, he cautiously resolved to trust 
less to courage and more to prudence. He also 
gave up the idea of preserving the Mexican capital 

* Cortes, Relat. 



HERNAN CORTES, 301 

entire, for he determined upon a system of war- 
fare frightful, though slow in its progress. 

He caused the three divisions to advance, but 
in strict military order, and to demolish every 
house or building in their way, whilst the Indian 
auxiliaries carefully filled up the ditches, and re- 
paired the causeways in the rear, to facilitate a re- 
treat. This dreadful plan of operation was com- 
menced and followed up with regularity, and the 
decided advantage whieh accrued to the Spaniards 
became soon apparent. Day after day the Mexi- 
cans found themselves circumscribed within more 
narrow bounds ; but the undaunted resolution of 
Guatimozin was not to be checked by the fearful 
images that presented themselves to his view. He 
continued his vigorous resistance, and appeared 
determined to see the last house of his capital le- 
velled with the ground, before he would suffer it 
to be possessed by the invaders. Alvarado and 
his division had, by this time, pushed their way to 
the great square of Tlalteloco, and that gallant 
officer immediately attacked the temple, where a 
great number of warriors, with the priests, seemed 
determined to make a desperate resistance. Al- 
varado conducted this manoeuvre with as much 
skill as bravery. Besides, as he was uncertain 
how long his companions might be before they ar- 
rived at Tlalteloco, the place of general muster, it 
was indispensable to dislodge the foe from a situ- 
ation which commanded it. The Spaniards rush- 
ed boldly to the attack, and after a severe con- 
flict, they at length gained the temple, drove the 
enemy in confusion from the spot, and set fire to 
the idols, whilst the Spanish banner was plant- 



302 LIFE OF 

ed triumphantly on the summit of the building, as 
a joyful signal to cheer the other Spaniards.* 

The sight of that beacon of victory, greatly re- 
joiced Cortes and his companions, who now con- 
tinued their progress with redoubled alacrity. At 
the end of four days, (July 24,) both that general 
and Sandoval made their entry into the Great 
Square. The difficulties of the siege now sur- 
mounted., no doubt was entertained of the suc- 
cess of the enterprise. Cortes being in posses- 
sion of the western and principal part of the city, 
resolved to adhere to his present line of conduct, 
in reducing the rest of it to subjection ; but be- 
fore he continued his victorious and destructive 
course, he sent another message to Guatimozin. All 
the efforts of the Spanish commander, however, 
towards negotiation proved ineffectual, the Mexi- 
cans either refusing to listen to his proposals, or 
feigning to consent, only with the view of further- 
ing some stratagem. Cortes was, accordingly, com- 
pelled to pursue the plan of operation which had 
already proved so advantageous, and a heap of ruins 
continued to mark the progress of the Spaniards. 
Nothing could exceed in horror the situation of 
the Mexicans. Every day numbers of them fell 
victims to their obstinate courage, while the sur- 
vivors were only reserved to prolong the miseries 
of a wretched life. The brigantines having the 
total command of the lake, and the Tlascalans and 
other allies intercepting every communication, the 
unfortunate Mexicans soon found themselves en- 
tirely deprived of the necessaries of life^ and the hor- 
rors of famine soon filled up the measure of their 

* B. Biaz. 



HERMAN CORTES. 303 

wretchedness. The want of nourishment produ- 
ced infectious maladies ; and the three most fatal 
plagues, that can inflict human nature, fell thus 
heavily on the devoted but unconquered Mexicans. 
Every night famishing wretches were seen near the 
Spanish quarters, prowling in search of food to 
silence their raging hunger.* But neither these 
horrid disasters, nor the sight of his beautiful ca- 
pital in ruins, could change the fierce resolution 
of Guatimozin. All the city but a small retired 
quarter was now in possession of the Spaniards ; 
but that still held out with a ferocious determina- 
tion to dare the same fate of destruction. 

Cortes now intrusted the command of the fleet 
to Sandoval, with instructions to invest that quar- 
ter by sea, whilst he himself would lead the assault 
by land. The Mexicans now perceived that the 
moment of their downfall was at hand ; and endea- 
voured to persuade their king to quit a place which 
he could no longer defend, and fly to the distant 
provinces, where the war might be renewed. The 
better to effect this design, they attempted to be- 
guile the Spaniards with feigned proposals of sub- 
mission, thinking, that while Cortes was occupied 
with these speculations, Guatimozin might put his 
plan in practice without impediment. But the 
Spanish commander was neither to be deceived, 
nor surprised. His prudence and vigilance were 
never suffered to slumber, much less when the 
most important moment for their exertion was ar- 
rived. The obstinate defence and character of 
Guatimozin made him anxious to secure a leader, 
whose escape would be attended with serious in- 

» B* Diaz. 

2b2 



304 LIFE OF 

convenience to the Spanish cause. His death or 
captivity was necessary for the firm establishment 
of the Spanish power in the Mexican empire ; and 
the mind of Cortes was, therefore, constantly di- 
rected towards the king, and he gave the strictest 
instructions to Sandoval to be careful in his endea- 
vours to intercept his escape. Sandoval kept a 
vigilant eye on the canoes that were cruizing about 
the lake, and observing some large piraguas, ma- 
king with their utmost speed towards land, he im- 
mediately gave the signal for pursuit. Garcia 
Holguin, who commanded the swiftest vessel, soon 
fell in with several piraguas, one of which, from 
its superior appearance, he concluded to be that 
of Guatimozin. He immediately prepared to fire, 
when the unfortunate king desisted from his in- 
tention of escaping, and declared his readiness to 
submit. Holguin received him, his queen, and 
attendants, into his vessel, with great marks of re- 
spect, to which Guatimozin answered with a dig- 
nified composure, requesting that he might be im- 
mediately conducted to the Spanish general. The 
conduct of the last king of Mexico was, through- 
out, deserving of the highest admiration. He de- 
fended his empire with a resolution, perseverance, 
and skill, which would have done honour to a 
more civilized ruler ; and when fate decreed his 
fall, he assumed a deportment which rendered him 
great even in misfortune. He neither evinced the 
sullen ferocity of a barbarian, nor the sunken spirit, 
and downcast looks of a vanquished man, but, erect 
and tranquil, though in deepest affliction, he ap- 
peared before Cortes. He could not, however, 
refrain from tears, when he exclaimed, " Malin- 
atzirty I have done all in my power to defend my 



HERNAN CORTES. 305 

kingdom and my people. All my efforts have 
been fruitless ; I have nothing else to attempt — 
take your dagger and stab me to the heart."* 
Cortes endeavoured to console him under his af- 
fliction, and issued strict instructions, that he and 
all his family should be treated with profound re- 
spect ; and that all the Mexicans should experi- 
ence that kind behaviour from their conquerors, 
which their gallant defence so well deserved. 
Cortes further announced to Guatimozin, that he 
should continue to reign, only acknowledging the 
jurisdiction of Spain. Guatimozin, at the time of 
his downfall, was a young man, about twenty-five 
years of age,of a good appearance. His qualities 
can best be gathered from his conduct during the 
war with the Spaniards. 

With the capture of the Mexican monarch, all 
resistance was at an end, and Cortes took posses- 
sion of the remaining part of the city, on the 13th 
of August 1521. Thus ended one of the most ex- 
traordinary and memorable sieges recorded in his- 
tory. During the seventy-five days of its dura- 
tion, not one day passed without respective efforts 
of attack or defence, and seldom, if ever, have men 
displayed greater resolution or fortitude ; seldom, 
indeed, were they exposed to more frightful mi- 
series. Historians mention the names of Maria 
Estrada, Beatriz Bermudez, and several other wo- 
men, with applause. These were conspicuous in 
their attacks against Mexico, supporting hardships 
superior to their sex with uncommon resolution, 
and fighting by the side of their husbands with 
singular courage. They were equipped and arm- 

* Cortes, Relat. ; Gomara, Cron. ; B. Diaz ; Clavigero. 



306 LIFE OF 

ed like the rest of the soldiers, and rendered ser- 
vices equal to any of the best men of Cortes. i: 

Nothing can paint more vividly the obstinate 
and firm resistance of the Mexicans, than the state 
of the capital when the Spaniards finally became 
masters of it. Three-fourths of that once beauti- 
ful city were laid in ruins, and all the streets, 
squares, and courts of Tlalteloco, the theatre of 
such furious and sanguinary contests, were cover- 
ed with dead bodies. It was impossible to move 
a step without stumbling upon one or more of 
these bleeding memorials of war. This circum- 
stance had infected the air, for the Mexicans, in- 
tent on reaping, had no time to gather in the har- 
vest of death. 

It was accordingly determined by Cortes that a 
temporary evacuation of that ruinous capital should 
take place, in order to remove the dead, and re- 
store salubrity to the atmosphere. In pursuance 
of this order, during three days and nights, the 
causeways were full of sickly, poor, and squalid 
wretches, men, women, and children, worn out 
by disease and famine, covered with filth, and 
offering a most striking evidence of the horrors to 
which they had been exposed. The picture which 
B. Diaz de Castillo draws of the appearance of 
Mexico at this period is truly frightful. " All 
the streets, squares, and houses," he says, " were 
covered with the bodies of the slain ; among the 
heaps of which were to be seen many wretches 
crawling about in an advanced stage of those 
loathsome diseases, produced by famine or un- 
natural food, exhaustion, and infected air. The 

* Clavigero. 



HERNAN CORTES. 307 

trees had been stript of their bark — the earth dug 
up in search of food — not a drop of fresh water 
could be found, and there is no instance of any 
people suffering so severely from an accumulation 
of miseries, — hunger, thirst, maladies, and war."* 
Nor was the situation of the Spaniards during 
this memorable siege much more desirable. The 
immense number of allies crowded on one spot, 
rendered it extremely difficult to procure and dis- 
tribute provisions ; besides, the incessant attacks 
of the Mexicans, who acted often on the offen- 
sive, and continual alarms, obliged the Spaniards 
to live in a state of constant excitement, without 
being able to provide for their repose and procure 
the necessaries of life. They suffered dreadfully 
from want of proper attention to their wounds, 
which were often made to bleed afresh before they 
had been once healed. But perhaps the most 
fearful of their miseries was the dark image which 
haunted their imaginations, of being taken alive, 
and sacrificed to the idols of the enemy. 

Hernan Cortes had now achieved the most 
splendid and beneficial enterprise recorded in the 
history of the conquest of the New World. His 
joy and that of his followers was proportionate to 
the hardships by which such effects had been ob- 
tained. But the sentiments of delight and con- 
gratulation were soon subdued by the disappoint- 
ment of those hopes which the conquerors had 
fondly entertained. Very little booty could be col- 
lected amid the heaps of desolation presented by 
the city which they had subdued. No treasure 

* B, Diaz. 




308 LIFE OF 

could be found, and the whole quantity of gold 
and silver collected, scarcely amounted to the va- 
lue of 120,000 dollars;* a sum barely sufficient 
to defray the expenses incurred in so great an ex- 
pedition, much less to afford rewards to the con- 
querors for all their sufferings and exploits. This 
occasioned much murmur and discontent among 
the soldiers ; they saw their golden dreams dissi- 
pated, and when they took a retrospective view of 
their extraordinary disasters and toil, on finding 
such a scanty pittance as their remuneration, a 
great number of them turned from it in contempt. 
At the instigation of Father Olmedo, the sums al- 
lotted to the soldiers were yielded up to the sick- 
ly and the disabled among them, the rest consoling 
themselves for their disappointment by the hopes 
of future reward.-)- But this disinterested arrange- 
ment did not satisfy the views of many ; they began 
to make the most ungenerous conclusion with re- 
gard to their chiefs, even expressing their doubts 
of the strictness and impartiality of Cortes in the 
transaction. It was currently believed that Gua- 
timozin, four days previous to his capture, had 
thrown great quantities of gold and precious stones 
into the lake, resolving to disappoint the avarice of 
those men whose courage he had not been able to 
resist J. This circumstance gave birth to many 
innuendoes and surmises, till it was at last plainly 
stated, that Cortes knew more of the matter than 
he was willing to confess. Some proposed to sub 
ject Guatimozin and his favourite, the lord of Ta- 
cuba, to the torture, in order to extort from them 

■ Cortes, Relat. + B. Diaz. J Ibid. 



- 



HERNAN CORTES, 309 

a confession of the place where the treasure was 
concealed. Such a horrid proposal was rejected 
by Cortes with scorn, and this disinclination to 
the act was interpreted as the most convincing ar- 
gument of his want of integrity. They did not 
scruple to cry out that the general was averse to the 
expedient, not from any feeling of its inhumanity, 
but merely because he wished the concealment of 
the treasure to remain a secret from the soldiers, 
that he alone might profit by it. Such ungenerous 
declarations, together with the growing discontent 
of these mercenaries, who began to assume an atti- 
tude of revolt, created considerable apprehension in 
the mind of Cortes : and partly to silence reports 
so discreditable to his honour — partly to prevent 
any disastrous effects which might result from the 
discontent of the soldiers, he yielded to them in 
that which has thrown a dark spot on the wide 
splendour of his glory. Guatimozin and his fa- 
vourite were put to the torture. The unfortunate 
king bore this inhuman sentence with that high 
spirit and unshaken fortitude which had marked 
his previous conduct. The treasure, if such a 
thing really existed, which is doubtful, remained 
undiscovered ; and Cortes, ashamed of the un- 
; worthy fate to which he had subjected the unfor- 
tunate and noble Guatimozin, caused him to be 
i snatched from his tormentors. His life, however, 
was only prolonged three years, when, on suspi- 
cion of a premeditated revolt founded on the de- 
■ claration of a Mexican, he was condemned to be 
hanged, and underwent his sentence. 

The loss of human lives sustained by the siege 
' of Mexico was very great, though accounts are 






310 LIFE OF 

extremely various, and often exaggerated. Of 
nine hundred Spaniards, more than one hundred 
were slain or sacrificed. The Indian allies sus- 
tained a loss of several thousands; but the slaughter 
of the Mexicans might amount to a hundred thou- 
sand.* To these must be added, fifty thousand 
more who perished by famine, or the pollution of 
the atmosphere.f 

Cortes now considered the conquest of the Mexi- 
can empire accomplished. He knew that the prin- 
cipal forces of the territory had been drawn to the 
defence of the capital, and that the reduction of 
the provinces would be comparatively an easy task. 
Without a king, and after the dreadful fate of 
Mexico, even the more warlike tribes could not be 
supposed to offer any dangerous opposition to the 
victorious career of the Spaniards. The siege and 
downfall of the capital must therefore be considered 
as the grand and decisive feature in the conquest 
of this part of the New World. The valour, 
magnanimity, and perseverance displayed by the 
Spaniards during the siege, were highly credit- 
able to these veterans, and meet with few parallels 
in military history. Yet, despite of their enthusi- 
astic ardour and unabated fortitude, it appears 
problematical, that nine hundred men, however 
well disciplined and well armed, could have achie- 
ved so gigantic an enterprise without the aid and 
assistance of the Tlascalans, and other Indian al- 
lies. The jealousies and disunion which prevailed 
in New Spain, or Anahuac, at the time of the in- 
vasion of Cortes, tended considerably to further 

* Clavigero. f Cortes, Relat. 



HERMAN CORTES. 31 1 

the plans of that commander. " But," says Dr 
Robertson, " this adds to the merit and abilities 
of Cortes, who, under every disadvantage, acqui- 
red such an ascendant over unknown nations, as 
to render them instruments towards carrying his 
schemes into execution." 



2c 



312 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



Proceedings after the Conquest of Mexico. 

Shortly after the reduction of the Mexican 
capital, Cortes resolved to send his principal cap- 
tains to subject the new province, and establish 
settlements. This conduct was prudent in a high 
degree ; for, at the same time that it extended the 
conquest, it seemed to keep the attention of the 
Spaniards occupied, and make them forget the 
disappointment of their hopes on the conquest of 
Mexico. Sandoval, Olid, Orozeo, and others, were 
accordingly sent in different directions, all inspired 
by the same ardour after discoveiy and conquest 
— all eager for the acquisition of that wealth which 
their late hardships and exploits had not been able 
to procure. 

Whilst Cortes and his gallant captains were 
thus enlarging the dominions of the Spanish crown, 
and adding splendid victories to the blaze of mili- 
tary glory that illumined the reign of Charles V., 
this monarch, influenced by the cabals of the Bi- 
shop of Burgos, and the misrepresentation of the 
enemies of Cortes, was persuaded to digest the 
conqueror of power and command. Christoval 
de Tapia accordingly arrived at Vera Cruz short- 
ly after the reduction of Mexico, with a comrnis* 



HERNAN CORTES. 313 

sion to seize Cortes, and treat him like an ac- 
cused and guilty person. Alvarado, who com- 
manded at Villa Rica, affected to receive Tapia 
with profound respect, as behoved an individual 
who came empowered with a royal mandate, but 
immediately dispatched a messenger to Cortes, 
informing him of the new danger that threatened 
his authority. The Spanish general gave order 
to some of his adherents to go and meet Tapia, 
who was advancing to Mexico, and establish a ne- 
gotiation. Alvarado, Sandoval, and Father 01- 
medo, succeeded in inducing Tapia to return to 
Chempoalla, and there produce his commission to 
them, that it might be examined.* The friends 
of Cortes then treated the new governor with 
marked respect ; but Tapia soon perceived that 
he would never enter into the exercise of his 
power. He found himself in the trammels of men 
more sagacious, and more acquainted with the 
secrets of intrigue, than himself; and after a time 
lost in tedious negotiation, he did not see his 
business the least advanced. By the advice of 
his agents, Cortes was next induced to try the 
power of gold on Tapia, an expedient which fully 
answered the desired effect ; for that weak man, 
tired and disgusted with dilatory and hopeless 
discussion, his avarice being satisfied, easily re- 
linquished the gratification of more noble pas- 
sions.f 

This storm being so fortunately evaded, Cortes 
enjoyed a short relaxation from the fatigues of his 
toilsome life, and devoted his time to repairing 

* B. Diaz. 

•|- Cortes, Relat. ; B. Diaz ; Herrera, Dec, 



314 LIFE OF 

and embellishing the great city which he had con- 
quered. Under his instructions, the ground was 
artificially marked out for the erection of churches, 
convents, public buildings, with squares, markets, 
and every convenience suitable to the capital of a 
vast empire. He then took his residence in a mag- 
nificent palace, which he had caused to be construct- 
ed for the purpose. About the same time, a re- 
conciliation took place between him and;Narvaez, 
whom he had ordered to be sent from Villa Rica. 
Cortes behaved with manly generosity to his an- 
cient rival, preventing him from kissing his hand, 
and bestowing a most cordial embrace. But Nar- 
vaez, at the instigation of the implacable Bishop 
of Burgos, made a very ungrateful return to the 
kindness of Cortes. 

The repose of the conqueror of Mexico was of 
short duration. Whilst employed in the embel- 
lishment of the capital, he received intelligence 
that the natives of Panuco had risen in arms, 
and slaughtered several of the Spaniards who had 
.gone to settle colonies in the province. Cortes, 
without loss of time, marched against the Panu- 
chese, routed them in two battles, and compelled 
them to submit, after which he returned to Mexico. 
But neither the splendour nor the number of his 
services to his country were sufficient to remove 
from his mind that constant anxiety, which the 
inveterate enmity and clandestine machinations of 
his enemies had created. He resolved, therefore, 
to send another deputation to Spain, with glow- 
ing descriptions of the extent and importance of 
his conquests. He intrusted this commission to 
Alonzo Davila and Quiiiones, two of his distin- 
guished officers, with full instructions regarding 



HERNAN CORTES. 315 

the conduct they were to observe. He sent by 
them a splendid present of gold and jewels to his 
sovereign, together with a representation from the 
municipal body of Mexico, as well as from its 
conquerors, praying his majesty that due atten- 
tion and regard should be paid to them, and 
that the chief command of New Spain should be 
invested in the person of their general. On his 
side, Cortes sent long and detailed dispatches, in 
which he made use of every argument to advance 
his interests and those of his faithful and veteran 
followers.* The messengers were very unfortu- 
nate in their voyage, Quinones being killed in a 
duel at Terceira, and Davila taken by Florin, a 
French privateer, and carried prisoner to France. 
From this circumstance, however, Davila was ena- 
bled to establish a correspondence with Don Martin 
Cortes, father of the conqueror, and his friends. 

An arduous struggle now took place in the Spa- 
nish court between the adherents and the enemies 
of Cortes. Every subterfuge which malice could 
invent was employed to depict as an usurper and 
a traitor, the man who, by an extraordinary exer- 
tion of courage, abilities, and perseverance, had 
brought to a fortunate termination an enterprise, 
deemed by some chimerical, and by all as sur- 
rounded with frightful dangers and difficulties. 
Pamphilo de Narvaez, and Christoval de Tapia, 
having arrived in Spain, accompanied by the pilot 
Umbria and Cordenas, whom Cortes had punish- 
ed on the occasion of their revolt, the Bishop of 
Burgos soon persuaded them all to prefer the 
most serious accusations against the conqueror of 

* B. Diaz. 
2c2 



316 LIFE OF 

Mexico. But, on the other hand, the cause of 
Cortes was strenuously supported by his father, 
Don Martin, and Francisco de Mortejo and Diego 
de Ordaz, two of his officers. These individuals 
had succeeded in obtaining the support of several 
powerful grandees, and more especially of the Duke 
of Bejar ;* — for these noblemen could not see, 
without indignation, the intrigues carried on to 
defraud a great general and successful conqueror 
of the hard-earned fruits of his labours. The 
charges brought against Cortes did not appear of 
a nature to draw punishment on the supposed of- 
fender. Partial severity had been indispensable 
to the success of the expedition ; and whatever 
irregularity had been incurred in the undertaking 
itself, was more than compensated by the splendour 
of success. Indeed it would have been the height 
of impolicy as well as injustice to have inflicted cen- 
sure and punishment on a man, whose exploits were 
at the very time the theme of universal applause 
and admiration. The public voice declared unani- 
mously and warmly in favour of Cortes ; his pre- 
tensions were officially seconded by powerful per- 
sonages, and Charles could not refuse his sanction 
to wishes so generally expressed. Cortes was ac- 
cordingly named Captain- General and Governor 
of New Spain ; and certainly no individual was 
more competent to fill this station than the man 
whom both the conquering Spaniards and the van- 
quished Indians were accustomed to love, respect, 
and tear.f 

Cortes now resumed with greater vigour and 

* B. Diaz. 

-{- Cortes, Relat. ; Gomara, Cron. 



HERNAN CORTES, 317 

spirit his vast schemes both of conquest and set- 
tlement. His ardent mind enjoyed no respite from 
exertion. On the one hand, he was assiduously 
carrying on the works at Mexico, whilst on the 
other, his officers were sent to distant provinces 
to colonize and discover mines. The devotion of 
his men seconded his views powerfully ; and it is 
scarcely to be doubted, that had his ambition been 
equal to his ability, he might have become absolute 
master over those territories which he now govern- 
ed asthe deputy of another. But his fidelity to 
his king and country was proof against the whispers 
of revolt ; and the pride of having given to the land 
of his birth so vast an empire, appeared to him pa- 
ramount to the most boundless sway and ambition. 
About this time, Francisco Garay, governor of Ja- 
maica, set sail with a great armament for the re- 
duction of Panuco ; but hearing at Cuba that the 
province had already been subjected by Cortes, 
and being also informed of the great exploits of 
that commander, he commissioned the licentiate 
Quazo to negotiate with Cortes, that he would per- 
mit him to assume the government of Panuco in 
virtue of the commission he had from the Bishop of 
Burgos. He then pursued his voyage ; but being 
driven by the weather into the river Palmas, he 
resolved to disembark and continue his march to 
Panuco by land. Upon his arrival at the place, 
he found it almost deserted; his soldiers began to 
disperse and commit depredations about the coun- 
try — others resolved to join the followers of Cortes, 
and Garay, with little disappointment, beheld all 
his prospects of conquest vanish. Vallejo, in com- 
mand of the settlement of San Estevan, had sent 
instructions to Cortes of the arrival of this arma- 



318 LIFE OF 

merit ; and Alvarado, Sandoval, Father Olmedo, 
and Ocampo, were sent to notify to Gai'ay to quit 
the country. The Governor of Jamaica next at- 
tempted a negotiation, requesting Cortes to aid 
him in order to compel the soldiers who had de- 
serted to return to their duty. After some alter- 
cation, the matter was amicably adjusted at the 
suggestion of Father Olmedo, a marriage having 
been concluded between Dona Catalina, the daugh- 
ter of Cortes, and Garay's eldest son.* 

The expedition of Garay, however, gave rise to 
serious results. His soldiers, totally unacquainted 
with the discipline which characterized the vete- 
rans of Cortes, becoming restless and discontented, 
began to disperse about the country in small bo- 
dies, pillaging the natives, and committing all 
sort of excesses. This exasperated the Panuchese 
to such a degree, that they concerted plots to ex- 
terminate the Spaniards. Their schemes succeed- 
ed so effectually, that in a short time they killed, 
sacrificed, and devoured, five hundred of the sol- 
diers of Garay, according to the accounts of B. 
Diaz. But the Indians, not satisfied with inflict- 
ing such severe punishment on the offenders, and 
emboldened by success, now determined to carry 
their hatred further ; and whenever they met with 
straggling Spaniards, totally innocent of their coun- 
trymen's offence, they made no difficulty in sacri- 
ficing them to their fury. They went further, 
for they rose in arms, and resolved to destroy the 
colony of San Estevan, with the inhabitants of 
which they had lived in peace. Vallejo, and se- 
veral of the original companions of Cortes, were 

* B.Diaz. 






HERNAN CORTES. 319 

slain in battle, and no less than forty Spaniards were 
killed and burnt in one night. This dangerous re- 
volt, and the shocking excesses with which it was 
accompanied, filled the mind of Cortes with anxiety, 
and induced him to adopt the most efficient mea- 
sures to arrest the progress of the evil. He imme- 
diately deputed Sandoval, with a competent force, 
to march against the rebels. That gallant officer, 
upon his arrival at San Estevan, found the miser- 
able remains of the colony in the most deplorable 
condition, and ready to sink under the pressure 
of the dangers that surrounded them. Sandoval, 
with his usual bravery, activity, and success, soon 
reduced the province to subjection, and having ta- 
ken prisoners the caziques and Indians guilty of 
the murders of the Spaniards, sent to Cortes for 
further instructions. The governor of New Spain 
commissioned the magistrate, Diego de Ocampo, 
to take cognizance of the affair, and inflict punish- 
ment on the guilty ; but to proceed with all pos- 
sible care in conciliating the natives, and checking 
the outrages of the soldiers of Garay. These mea- 
sures were soon carried into execution. Many 
caziques, being found guilty by clear evidence, or 
their own confession, were publicly executed — 
some being burnt aiud others hanged. A consider- 
able number received a free pardon, while the 
soldiers of Garay were collected and shipped back 
for Cuba.* 

We have been induced to be more particular in 
the detail of this event on account of the want of 
impartiality in Dir Robertson, who depicts the affair 
as a most atrocious instance of barbarity.-}- It is 

* B. Diaz. 

•f ^ In the country of Panuco," says Robertson, " sixty 



LIFE OF 

not creditable in so grave and circumspect an his- 
torian to mention effects without also specifying the 
causes by which they were produced ; and while 
he sympathises with the fate of the Panuchese, cer- 
tainly he ought not to have forgotten their revolts 
and cruelties towards the Spaniards of SanEstevan. 
" The inhabitants of this province (Panuco) were," 
to use the very words of B. Diaz, " the most barba- 
rous in New Spain ; they were cruel to excess, shock- 
ingly addicted to the sacrifice of human victims, 
given to all manner of degradation in drink, filthy 
and wicked beyond measure ; their revolts were 
frequent, and their punishment exemplary, but 
nothing could reduce them to good government." 
Such were the people whom the British historian 
represents as injured victims of wanton cruelty. The 
accusation of Sandoval is more unjustifiable, and 
made with excessive levity. Sandoval was entirely 
innocent of any part of the transaction, further 
than reducing nobly, and by arms, as he was in- 
structed by his chief, a revolted province. The 
punishment of the caziques was decreed by Ocam- 
po, in virtue of his judicial functions. 

This digression is required for the sake of jus- 
tice and impartiality ; and we trust will put readers 
on their guard concerning the exaggeration of cru- 
elty which some historians have been lightly in- 
duced to make in their accounts of the conquest 
of America. 



caziques or leaders, and 400 nobles, were burnt at one time. 
Nor was this shocking barbarity perpetrated in any sud- 
den sally of rage, or by a commander of inferior note. It 
was the act of Sandoval, an officer whose name is entitled 
to the second rank in the annals of the New World, and 
executed after a solemn consultation with Cortes," &c. 



HERNAN CORTES. 321 

The active mind of Cortes could not enjoy use- 
less repose. By his investigations he learnt that 
the districts of Higueras and Honduras contained 
rich mines. Some persons informed him, that 
the fishermen of the place had weights of gold to 
their nets, and hinted that a passage might be dis- 
covered to the Pacific Ocean. Such reports were 
not to be disregarded, and Cortes accordingly re- 
solved to send an expedition to these provinces. 
He fitted out six ships, containing 370 soldiers, 
and intrusted the command of the armament to 
Christoval de Olid. This chief was ordered to 
proceed to the Havannah to procure the necessary 
supplies for the expedition ; then to pursue his 
voyage to Higueras, where he was to make a set- 
tlement in an advantageous situation.* Olid, ac- 
cording to instructions, proceeded to Cuba; but 
this movement was followed by very fatal results, 
as his integrity was not proof against the persua- 
sion of Velazquez, and in that island was projected 
a revolt which was a source of the deepest sorrow 
and trouble to Cortes, and terminated in the death 
of its author,-]- 

Whilst Cortes was employing every resource of 
his genius to enlarge and improve the dominions 
of Charles in New Spain, it was his fate to be 
continually surrounded by spies, who gave the 
most sinister interpretations to all his actions, and 
lost no opportunity of placing his conduct in the 
most unfavourable light* When the government 
of New Spain was invested in its conqueror, cer- 
tain civilians were sent thither to collect and ad- 
minister the royal revenue independent of the 

* B. Diaz. t Ibid. 



322 LIFE 0£ 

jurisdiction of Cortes. Those narrow-minded per- 
sons, incapable themselves of great actions or ge- 
nerous thoughts, and filled with that gnawing envy 
with which grovelling minds ever regard genius and 
exalted merit, soon became the censors of Cortes, 
Adequate only to the drudgery of office, every 
thing seemed wrong in their eyes which was not 
confined within the routine of duty. They were 
astonished at the munificence of the conqueror ; 
levelled their sneers even at the palace which he had 
built for himself; and felt scandalized at the vast 
authority which he exercised over Spaniards and 
Indians, no less than at the respect which they paid 
him in return. Amongst these individuals, one 
Rodrigo de Albornoz particularly signalized him- 
self for his enmity to Cortes. He cherished a pri- 
vate pique against the governor, because he had op- 
posed his ambitious views of marrying the daugh- 
ter of the Prince of Tezcuco ; and he now sought 
to revenge himself, by sending to Spain the most 
virulent accusations against Cortes, charging him 
with a variety of offences, such as levying exorbi- 
tant contributions, fortifying castles for his own 
defence, and taking every measure to declare him- 
self a king, independent of his sovereign.* These 
charges, however destitute of foundation, proved 
nevertheless powerful engines in the hands of the 
enemies of Cortes. The Bishop of Burgos and 
Narvaez sedulously applied themselves to sow the 
germ of distrust in the bosons of Charles, and 
they succeeded in their treacherous intentions. At 
the same time, the Duke of Bejar interposed his 
influence against their machinations, and the Em- 

*B. Diaz. 



HERNAN CORTES. 323 

peror, willing, on the one hand, to preserve a show 
of justice, and jealous, on the other, of his autho- 
rity, ordered that a careful and solemn investiga- 
tion should be made into the conduct of Cortes. 
To this effect, the licentiate Ponce de Leon was 
sent (1525) to New Spain, with full powers to 
seize the governor, if he should deem it necessary, 
and send him under a strong escort to Spain.* 

Such was the treatment reserved for the con- 
queror of Mexico ! 

* Herrera, Dee* 



2d 



324 LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XXV. 



Expedition of Cortes to Honduras, and Voyage to 
Spain, 

Whilst these intrigues were carried on in 
Spain, Cortes was distracted by a subject of great 
moment, in the country over which he governed. 
Christoval de Olid, one of his best officers, as well 
as one of the principal conquerors of Mexico, had 
revolted from his authority, and blushed not to 
repay with ingratitude the man at whose side he 
had so often fought, and whose kindness he had 
so repeatedly shared. Led astray by the evil 
counsels of traitors, and the insinuations of Ve- 
lazquez, when he unfortunately touched at Cuba, 
previous to his expedition for Higueras, the im- 
prudent and rash Olid, upon planting the colony 
of the Triumph of the Cross, declared himself in- 
dependent of Cortes. The governor was deeply 
chagrined when intelligence of this revolt was 
brought to him. It was a fatal precedent, which 
he could not suffer to remain unpunished, but, at 
the same time, his heart was deeply wounded that 
the treason should have been attempted by one of 
his veteran companions. Cortes, therefore, sent an 
expedition against him under the command of Fran- 
cisco Las Casas, and another officer of confidence. 



KERNAN CORTES. 325 

A storm, however, drove the vessels on shore, by 
which some of the men perished, and the rest were 
made prisoners by Olid. But Las Casas, when 
set free, persuaded the soldiers to return to their 
duty, and seize their rebel chief, which, after some 
hesitation, they did. Olid was shortly afterwards 
sentenced to die, and was beheaded at Naeo.* 

Cortes, not receiving any intelligence from his 
lieutenants, grew uneasy, and resolved to take the 
command of an expedition in person. This was 
prepared on a scale of power, and even luxury, 
unknown before in the New World. The gover- 
nor caused himself to be attended by a numerous 
train of domestics and dependants, besides a com- 
petent detachment of Spaniards, headed by San- 
doval and Marin, and three thousand Mexican 
warriors, under the guidance of their own chiefs.f 
The march of the Spaniards to Coatzacuales re- 
sembled more a military procession than a warlike 
expedition, and his arrival at that place was greet- 
ed with fire-works, and other demonstrations of 
public joy. Here he remained eight days, order- 
ing all the caziques of the surrounding districts to 
repair to a general meeting. Among these came 
the brother and mother of Dona Marina, whose 
looks they scarcely durst meet, on account of their 
cruel behaviour; but that generous woman, far 
from thinking to revenge herself on her family, 
bestowed on them every token of regard, and in- 
terceded with Cortes in their behalf. Cortes re- 
sumed his march, but soon found himself entangled 
in hardships to which his followers did not come 
prepared, and which, in spite of their fortitude, 

* B. Diaz. f J b id - 



326 LIFE OF 

subjected their endurance to the most severe trial. 
They had entered a country intersected by nume- 
rous rivers, which continually arrested their pro- 
gress. The soil was heavy, and nothing but 
gloomy forests met their progress. The labour to 
which they were subjected was immense ; every 
one, Cortes included, was obliged to work at the 
construction of the timber bridges, which were 
thrown over the rivers that continually came before 
them. 

They had now reached a place called Tamazte- 
pec, which was intersected by three rivers, and an 
arm of the sea. But when they had surmounted 
these difficulties, the miseries of the Spaniards, 
instead of terminating, seemed only to accumulate 
with greater force. They had arrived at so im- 
mense a forest, so thick and impervious, that they 
were actually compelled to cut their way through 
by extraordinary efforts. A dreary gloom per- 
vaded that seat of desolation. Some of the sol- 
diers climbed up to some of the tallest trees, in 
expectation of cheering their sight with more gra- 
tifying objects, but to their despondency they saw 
nothing but a long continuation of woody deserts 
and barren heaths. In a short time they found 
themselves excluded from the light of day, owing 
to the thickness of the forests, which they were to 
clear by a kind of desperate effort. Two of the 
guides had now abandoned Cortes, and another 
who remained, was totally unacquainted with this 
part of the country. The provisions failed, and the 
soldiers were put on the most scanty allowance, 
whilst, at the same time, they were compelled to 
work with unceasing industry. Exhausted with 
fatigue and hunger, and without guides, seeing 



HERNAN CORTES. 327 

nothing but loathsome reptiles in their way, they 
at length threw themselves down in despair, in the 
conviction that their doom was inevitable.* 

Never was the greatness of soul of Cortes sub- 
jected to a more trying test, or his genius sum- 
moned to more extraordinary exertions. He saw 
his faithful followers, many of whom belonged to 
the body of his original companions, the conquerors 
of Mexico, ready to sink under unparalleled ca- 
lamities, and exposed to the most appalling fate. 
Even his own stout heart could not repel a secret 
shudder, which he endeavoured, nevertheless, to 
smother, in order not to augment the wretchedness 
of his unfortunate soldiers. On the contrary, assu- 
ming a cheerful aspect, he showed them a mariner s 
compass, which he assured them would serve the 
purpose of their guides, whilst he animated them 
to redoubled exertions, by the prospect that a little 
more perseverance would extricate them from their 
dilemma. He informed them that the town of 
Huy-Alcala could not be far distant, and on reach- 
ing that place, all their misfortunes and dangers 
would be at an end. The eloquence of that com- 
mander, whom they had been accustomed to che- 
rish and to follow with success, cheered their sink- 
ing hearts, and they renewed their toil with stub- 
born constancy. After some time they arrived at 
Tamaztepec, where they found some provisions, 
though the town had been deserted by the inhabi- 
tants. The sight of food for some time imparted 
a ray of joy and hope to their desponding hearts, 
but on renewing their march to Izquantepec, their 
hardships again commenced. During the three 

* B. Diaz. 
2 d 2 



328 LIFE OF 

days' journey to that place, four Spaniards fell 
down and died through fatigue, and many of the 
Mexicans lagged behind, and met the same fate. 
Some of these Indians, in their craving hunger, 
seized some of the natives of the land clandes- 
tinely, and actually devoured them, This being 
made known to Cortes, he severely reprimanded 
them for this atrocious act, and ordered one of the 
most guilty to be punished with death, as an 
example to the rest. To increase the dreary con- 
dition of the Spaniards, they generally found the 
little hamlets deserted at their approach, and found 
little sympathy in the inhabitants. But the forti- 
tude of Cortes was never worn out, nor the re- 
sources of his mind exhausted. He thus continued 
to uphold the sinking spirits of his followers, when 
he was informed, to his great joy, that the district of 
Huy-Alcala was now only three days* march from 
him. 

As his followers, however, could scarcely pro- 
ceed through fatigue and hunger, he sent B. Diaz 
del Castillo with a troop in advance to procure 
provisions. Diaz proceeded to the discharge of 
his commission, and, after much difficulty, arrived 
at the district of Huy-Alcala, where he began to 
collect a supply. Whilst thus engaged, two Spa- 
niards came up to him in the most deplorable state, 
with strict orders from Cortes to hasten to him 
with whatever provisions he could collect, as the 
army was reduced to the last stage of starvation, 
and driven to despair. The soldiers were now 
compelled to feed on wild filberts and roots, or 
whatever came into their hands. B. Diaz, accord- 
ingly, hastened back with a considerable quantity 
of corn, honey, fruit, and fowls. Meantime Cortes 



HERNAN CORTES. 329 

was consoling his followers with the prospect of a 
supply, and the men awaited the event in a kind 
of stupor. But no sooner was the approach of B. 
Diaz made known, than they all rushed forward, and 
seizing on the provisions in the utmost disorder and 
confusion, began to devour them in their raw state, 
without heeding the cries of the officers, who endea- 
voured to reserve some for their general.* In this 
disastrous march, which occupied nearly two years 
and a half, the Spaniards suffered more from fatigue, 
hunger, and thirst, than in any other period of the 
conquest of Mexico. Never did Cortes display a 
more striking example of fortitude and magnani- 
mity ; but even he, after the dangers were passed, 
confessed that he had considered their doom arri- 
ved, though his duty sternly obliged him to assume 
a deportment in little accordance with his real sen- 
sations. A considerable number of Spaniards, and 
a still greater one of Indians, perished in this dreary 
march. Some died through exhaustion, some 
through starvation, others were lost, and not a few 
were cut off by the natives, as they patrolled in 
small parties in search of provisions, or to make 
discoveries. Though this expedition was fruitless, 
its object, as has already been related, having been 
accomplished by Las Casas, yet as it tended to ex- 
hibit the heroic qualities of Cortes in a striking 
point of view, an account of it could not be omit- 
ted in a life of that great commander. 

Meantime Ponce de Leon died shortly after his 
arrival in New Spain, and his mission remained 
accordingly unfulfilled. Yet Cortes could not re- 
flect without sorrow and indignation on the ingrati- 

* B. Diaz. 



330 LIFE OF 

tude of that country, for the glory and advantage 
of which he was undergoing such unceasing and 
uncommon hardships. He, however, though dis- 
gusted with the intrigues of his enemies, no less 
than the easy facility of his sovereign, continued 
to maintain his post, and endeavoured to gain the 
confidence of the Spanish minister by every means 
in his power, though his efforts were not attended 
with the desired success. Every officer of the 
crown who arrived from Spain after the reduction 
of Mexico, was a spy on, rather than a friend to, 
its conqueror ; and with every fresh arrival from 
that empire, new complaints and misrepresentations 
arrived relating to the governor. The spirit of in- 
trigue enjoyed no minute of repose, but seemed re- 
solved to crush that man whose greatness was an 
offence against the ordinary meanness of human 
nature. The distrust of the Emperor Charles 
was at last effectually awakened, and he issued 
out another commission (1528) to investigate the 
conduct of Cortes, and to subject him to all the 
rigour of justice. The feelings of this conqueror 
of Mexico were powerfully excited at the unmanly 
triumph of his enemies. He felt all that bitter- 
ness of soul which a proud spirit, conscious of 
great services, receiving wrong from unworthy 
beings, can alone experience. 

It is painful to behold the mighty conqueror in 
the theatre of his exploits, the victim of the in- 
gratitude of those wretches, who came to fatten 
on the land which he had gained to his country. 
But there were many who sympathised in his 
wrongs, and revolted from this accumulation of 
ingratitude. His devoted and brave followers, 
those gallant veterans, who had shared all his dan- 



HERNAN CORTES. 331 

gers and his glory, now rallied round their com- 
mander, and proposed that he should seize that 
independent power which his enemies falsely ac- 
cused him of aiming at, for they would zealous- 
ly support his claims, and die in defence of his 
cause.* But Cortes had the greatness of soul, or 
the weakness, to reject this advice. His chivalrous 
spirit shrunk from any violation of loyalty ; for he 
neither wanted the courage, nor the means, to carry 
into effect a scheme much easier to accomplish 
than the previous exploits which had marked his 
career. But he disdained to take revenge on his 
country, or to crush the paltry enemies by whom 
he was surrounded. On the other hand, there was 
something too humiliating to his proud spirit in 
the idea of being subjected to a trial in that coun- 
try where he had been accustomed to triumph and 
be obeyed. He accordingly determined boldly 
to present himself at the court of his sovereign, 
and enter into a vindication of his conduct.t 

Cortes repaired to his country with a state suit- 
able to his rank, and becoming his great achieve- 
ments. He was attended by his gallant officers, 
and the Mexicans of highest distinction, and car- 
ried with him a considerable part of his riches, to 
give splendour to his person. His voyage was 
effected without disaster ; but on his arrival in 
Spain he was visited by a calamity of a domestic 
nature, which excited much sorrow in his heart. 
Such was the death of Gonzalo de Sandoval, who 
expired in the flower of his age in Andalusia, as 
he was accompanying his chief to the Spanish 

* B. Diaz. 

f B. Diaz ; Gomara, Cron. ; Herrera, Dec 









332 LIFE OF 

court. Cortes was sensibly affected by the loss, 
as Sandoval, besides his distinguished services 
in the conquest of Mexico, was, of all his of- 
ficers, the most devotedly attached to him, and 
the most zealous in the support of his claims. His 
glorious career was never stained by any of those 
acts of injustice, cruelty, or avarice, which, at some 
period or other, unfortunately clouded the glory 
of the other conquerors. Sandoval was scarcely 
twenty-nine when he died ; and it is probable, that 
the severe services which he had endured, he ha- 
ving been the leader invariably selected by Cortes 
for the most difficult enterprises, no less than the 
numberless wounds which he had received, occa- 
sioned his premature death. 

Cortes and his companions were received by 
the Emperor with striking evidence of friendship 
and cordiality. His fears being removed by the 
arrival of the conqueror in his native land, Charles 
resolved now to efface his former ingratitude by 
a display of generosity and regard. Every pos- 
sible mark of distinction was bestowed upon Cortes. 
His exploits were loudly applauded, and his ar- 
rival in Spain was a subject of public congratula- 
tion. The sovereign conferred on him the Order 
of Santiago, as well as the title of Marquess of the 
Valle de Oaxaca, and he admitted him to that 
friendly intercourse which was only enjoyed by 
the first grandees of the land.* But this splendour 
of external show could not dazzle or deceive the 
searching eye of Cortes. Whilst empty titles, and 
vain honours were lavished on his person, he per- 
ceived that the venom of distrust still circulated 



Herrera, Dec. 



HERNAN CORTES. S33 

in the councils of the court ; and that whatever he 
might gain in outward pomp, the acquisition was 
only made at the expense of real power. He soon 
found it was the principal object of the Emperor 
i to reduce this to the lowest ebb compatible with 
common decency. Cortes groaned inwardly, but 
endeavoured in vain to change the ideas of his 
sovereign. Charles perceived the danger of intrust- 
ing unlimited command to a man whose genius was 
equal to his intrepidity, and the admiration which 
he had excited in accordance with his merit ; and 
with the subtle policy of a courtier, he thought 
that nothing could more effectually daunt the 
vigour of Cortes than the empty glitter of courtly 
distinction, and nothing subdue his spirits and 
bedim his genius more successfully than idle dis- 
sipation. Such was the system then pursued in 
Spain to cripple the power of its grandees. 

But Cortes was not the dupe of such artifices. 
He disdained a life of ignoble repose, so contrary 
. to the ardour of his spirit ; and he continued his 
I expostulations at court, that he might be reinsta- 
J ted in his former station as Captain- General of 
| New Spain. The emperor, however, remained 
t fixed in his determination. Neither the generous 
j conduct, nor the assurances of the supporters of 
J Cortes, could remove his jealous fears ; and, in- 
j deed, these might be partly justified, by the great 
< merit of the conqueror, no less than the popular- 
| ity which he enjoyed among the soldiers. Accord- 
ingly, after two years of unsuccessful application 
. at court, Cortes despaired of again obtaining that 
dignified power to which he was justly entitled by 
his services. The military command was alone 
reserved for him, with the power of attempting 



LIFE OF 

new expeditions and discoveries ; but the supreme 
government was invested in a board of civil func- 
tionaries, under the title of " Audience of New 
Spain f a form of government which was, how- 
ever, superseded in the sequel by the establishment 
of Viceroys. 

In 1530, Cortes returned to the theatre of his 
glory, with sentiments of regret and disappoint- 
ment* Honours and distinctions had been con- 
ferred upon him, but he had a strength and clear- 
ness of mind not to be imposed upon by the glit- 
ter which reduced his authority. Besides, he knew 
that this division of power in New Spain would 
prove a source of endless dissension and debate. 
No sincere union of sentiments could be expected 
from the servile and selfish civilians imported from 
court, and the veteran conquerors who had gained 
the empire. The petty jealousies, and despicable 
vanities, of the Audiencia, were, accordingly, al- 
ways vigilant guards on the most indifferent actions 
of Cortes ; and in their apprehension that the ge- 
neral would trespass the limits of his jurisdiction, 
they meddled themselves in affairs over which they 
had no power, and took every opportunity of thwart- 
ting the wishes of the man whom they at once en- 
vied and feared. 

* La Audiencia de Neuva Espaua. 



HERNAX CORTES. 335 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



Second Voyage of Coyotes to Spain, his Death, and 
Merits, fyc. 8fc. 

The life of Cortes being embittered by tbis 
ungrateful curtailment of bis authority, he now 
directed the whole powers of his mind towards 
that quarter which had not yet been invaded by 
the influence of jealousy or distrust. Cortes felt 
shame in his present indefinable situation. His 
jurisdiction over the affairs of the New World 
amounted to nothing, for he could ill combat the 
opposition of the Aiidiencia, supported as that 
body was by the emperor and his ministry. Cortes, 
in this galling predicament, turned, with a fond 
eye, towards the pursuits of his previous life, and 
he resolved, by the splendour of new discoveries 
| and exploits, to confound his enemies and aug- 
ment the approbation of his friends. He accord- 
ingly conceived various schemes, in unison with 
his bold and enterprising genius. His first ideas 
prompting him to attempt a discovery of some 
passage along the eastern coast of North America 
falling into the Western Ocean, and believing that 
a similar discovery might be made of a strait be- 
tween the North and South Seas, by exploring the 
2 e 2 



336 LIFE OF 

Isthmus of Panama.* These two schemes he re- 
solved to cany into execution* and for this pur- 
pose he fitted out expeditions, which he intrusted 
to able commanders and experienced pilots. But 
the results did not answer his sanguine expecta- 
tions, and he determined to circumscribe his am- 
bitious views within more narrow limits. 

The progress of colonization had been rapid 
in New Spain. Settlers had arrived in great num- 
bers from the mother-land to that country of pro- 
mise, where penury was to be exchanged for ease 
and independence. Several ports were already 
established on the coast; and from these Cortes sent 
out different small armaments with the object of 
discovery in the South Sea ; but these expedi- 
tions were not more fortunate than his previous 
and more important attempts in the eastern coast 
of North America and the islands of Panama. 
Mortified at the failure of so many enterprises, 
and supposing that this want of success ought, 
in a great degree, to be attributed to the ineffi- 
ciency of the men to whom they had been in- 
trusted, he determined to conduct another under- 
taking in person. To this effect he prepared an 
expedition of higher importance, and assumed the 
command of it in the year 1536. 

In this new enterprise, the fortitude and abili- 
ties of Cortes were again called into active play. 
He cruized for some time without any material 
event, excepting his continual exposure to hard- 
ship and dangers. But his mind and frame, inu- 
red to toil and suffering, bore every fresh labour 
with tranquil forbearance, and the perseverance of 

• Cortes, Relat. 



HERNAN CORTES. 337 

the conqueror of Mexico was again crowned with 
success. The discovery of the vast peninsula of 
California was the reward of his patience and re- 
solution, and served to enlarge, in a material man-, 
ner, the immense dominions which he had gained 
to the Spanish crown.* Yet, notwithstanding the 
extent of the country which he had discovered, 
his expectations were not gratified ; and, indeed, 
to him who had subjected the wealthy and power- 
ful empire of Mexico, every other achievement 
would but appear uninteresting and unimportant. 
But the disappointment of sanguine hopes was not 
that which principally embittered the mind of 
Cortes at this period of his existence. The ve- 
nom of envy still corroded his peace of mind, and 
stained the splendour of his glory. Disagree- 
ments, and dissensions without number, succeeded 
between him and those men who considered it the 
first duties of their station to offer a direct oppo- 
sition to all the views of the conqueror. 

Nothing could be more galling to Cortes, than 
to find himself treated with this want of gratitude 
and respect in the very land which his extraordi- 
nary deeds had secured to his country. This dis- 
gust and vexation grew more intolerable every 
day, and as there had been no great and splendid 
achievements of late to absorb his mind, his state 
was unhappy and dissatisfied. At length, unable 
to support the vexations to which he was exposed, 
and the morbid feelings which they created, he 
again resolved to seek redress and consolation in 
his native country. Accordingly, in the year 1540, 
he returned to Spain, not with the pomp and state 

* Herrera, Dec. 



338 LIFE OF 

which had distinguished his former voyage, but as 
a man whose destiny seemed to have been chan- 
ged. Though Cortes did not entertain any san- 
guine expectations concerning the reception he 
should meet with from his sovereign, yet he was far 
from surmising that his services should have been 
so soon forgotten and so ill repaid. The appear- 
ance of the conqueror of Mexico at court produ- 
ced no sensation either of pleasure or disapproba- 
tion. He was received in the manner which is 
most galling to a proud spirit, conscious of high 
desert and important services. The behaviour of 
Charles towards his illustrious subject, was one 
which ought to be reprobated, not merely by jus- 
tice, but common decency. A cold reserve — a 
stiff civility, which would scarcely have been ge- 
nerous when addressed to a chief of indifferent 
merit and no pretensions, was the attitude which 
the sovereign of Spain assumed towards the great 
man who had added the brightest jewel to his im- 
mense dominions. 

But if the conduct of Charles was ungrateful 
and unmanly, that of his ministers deserved the 
execration of every upright mind. It will scarcely 
be credited that Cortes was treated not only with 
indifference and neglect, but with actual scorn, by 
the members of the Spanish cabinet. Yet this de- 
portment of the court was perfectly consistent and 
natural. According to the doctrine of these sel- 
fish counsellors, no consideration was due to the 
man from whom no service of moment could now 
be expected. The blaze of glory which encircled 
the person of Cortes had been obscured by the 
brightness of more recent achievements. The dis- 
coveries and conquests of the Spaniards in South 



HERNAN CORTES. 339 

America— -the reduction of Peru by the Pizarros 
and Almagro — had procured to Spain a source of 
immense wealth ; and the attempts which new ad- 
ministrations were continually making had created 
the most extravagant ideas in the hearts of the 
Spaniards. The exploits of Cortes and his com- 
panions, therefore, were now regarded with indiffe- 
rence ; the empire which he had conquered was 
firmly attached and subjected to the Spanish 
crown ; the time was past when Cortes came ar- 
rayed in the shape of a formidable candidate for 
power and dominion ; time had effaced the bril- 
liancy of his achievements when it had also begun 
to impair his vigour and his frame. Charles had 
now little to expect from a man entering into 
the vale of years, and who had lost the lustre of 
his former greatness. Nor was his indignation and 
revenge a fit subject for apprehension. Charles 
and his ministry had no consideration to keep up 
with Cortes, either from expectation of interest or 
from motives of fear. Neglect and indifference 
was therefore the boon which they bestowed on 
the great chief. 

Seven tedious years did Cortes spend in unpro- 
fitable applications for justice and redress. His 
sacred claims were received without attention, and 
the recital of his services was heard without sen- 
sation. Day after day, and month after month, 
he applied to those important personages who held 
power over the affairs of America ; but neither 
from them, nor from the most impartial and urgent 
representations to the Emperor, could Cortes ob- 
tain the sanction to his demand. He was doomed 
never more to govern in Mexico. Other persons, 
whose chief merit rested perhaps in sycophancy, 



340 LIFE OF 

were to reap the fruits of his labours and his ge- 
nius. The chill of age had begun to damp the 
ardour of early life, which would have enabled 
him to support their ingratitude with more con- 
tempt and indifference. In the activity of youth, 
and in the freshness of genius, he would have 
found solace from the coldness of a court; but 
it is the curse of human nature to be invaded 
by disappointment and neglect when it is in the 
weakest state to repel their attacks. Cortes, to 
the pangs of fruitless exertions, had to add the 
conviction of his humiliated situation, and his in- 
ability to inflict vengeance on his enemies and un- 
generous countrymen. His constitution was bro- 
ken 'lown by the innumerable and extraordinary 
hardships which he had sustained; and in the de- 
cline of life, when he ought to have been quietly 
enjoying the reward of his services, it was melan- 
choly to behold the conqueror of Mexico dancing 
attendance about courts and saloons of audience, 
lost amid a crowd of inferior spirits.* 

Such a destiny could not but sensibly afFeet the 
proud and noble heart of Cortes. The stings of 
ingratitude, regret, and disappointed hope, preyed 
upon him, which, added to the infirmities of an 
over-exerted constitution, brought to a termina- 
tion the mortal career of this extraordinary man. 



* It has been recorded of Hernan Cortes, that about 
this period, upon his appealing one day at Court, he 
pressed somewhat rudely through the tinsel crowd to ap- 
proach the Emperor, who, observing his contempt for cere- 
mony, and not choosing to recognise him, exclaimed aloud, 
" Who is that person F" — " Tell his Majesty," said Cor- 
tes, " it is one who has conquered for him more kingdoms 
than his ancestors left him provinces." 



HERMAN CORTES. 341 

He died on the 2d day of December, in the year 
1547, and in the sixty-second of his age. Cortes 
was twice married : first, at Cuba, to Dona Cata- 
lina Suarez, who ended her days shortly after the 
reduction of Mexico ; and afterwards to Dona 
Geronima Ramirez de Arellano, daughter of the 
Count of Aguilar, and nearly related to the Duke 
of Bejar. By this lady he had Don Martin Cortes 
Ramirez de Arellano, who inherited his title, and 
from whom the present Marquis of the Valle de 
Oaxacar descends, though the male line terminated 
in his second grandson, the fourth marquis of that 
title. This badge of distinction was afterwards 
united to that of Duke of Terranova, the title of 
Gonzalo de Cordova, surnamed the Great Captain ; 
and thus the present illustrious possessor unites the 
honours of two of the greatest names in arms that 
Spain, or indeed any other country, has produced. 
Cortes had other children, of whom the most 
noted, from his misfortunes, was Don Martin Cor- 
tes, a knight of the order of Santiago, who was 
born to him by his mistress, the celebrated Doiia 
Marina, and seemed to inherit a great portion of 
his illustrious sire's spirit and abilities. In 1568, 
on a very slight and even unfounded suspicion of 
rebellion, he was put to the torture in Mexico, 
his barbarous judges totally forgetting the unpa- 
ralleled services which his parents had rendered 
to Spain.* Cortes survived almost all his prin- 
cipal companions in arms, of whom very few, if 
any, enjoyed peaceably the reward of their bravery 
and troubles. Velazquez de Leon, Morla, and Esca- 
lante, perished before the reduction of Mexico, 

B. Diaz. 



342 LIFE OF 

as has already been narrated. Christoval de Olid 
fell a victim to ill advice, and his own treason ; 
Gonzalo de Sandoval died in Spain, as he accom- 
panied Cortes in his first visit ; and Pedro de Alva- 
rado received a violent death in New Galicia, his 
horse having plunged with him over a precipice. 

The merits of Cortes as a general will be best 
estimated by a careful examination of his actions. 
The resources of his mind, in cases of emergency, 
were as bold, as they w T ere true emanations of 
genius. His whole life is gilded by deeds so sin- 
gular and splendid, as to invest the narration of 
them with the interesting character of chivalrous 
romance. The destiuction of his fleet at Vera Cruz 
to compel his followers to conquer or die — his 
fearless entry into Mexico — the still bolder seizure 
ofMontezuma, in the midst of the capital — his 
defeat of Narvaez — his exploit at the battle of 
Otompan — and his magnanimity in the siege of 
Mexico, present a series of events as striking as . 
they are unparalleled. Few great military names 
have joined more wisdom in counsels, more pru- 
dence in preparatory arrangements, than Cortes. 
Indeed his abilities as a negotiator were as great 
as his intrepidity and perseverance. He possessed J 
a singular tact in discerning the w r eak features of 
human character, and turning them to his advan- 
tage. In this, his winning manners and natural 
eloquence most effectually assisted him. He was, I 
besides, conspicuous for a cultivation of mind, [ 
somewhat singular in ths adventurous conquerors 
of America. His sojourn at the university had not 
been totally lost ; and his letters to the Emperor 
Charles V. evince much taste in composition. 

In the conqueror of Mexico, a strong resem 



HERNAN CORTES. 343 

ance may be traced to Julius Csesar. We find 
the, Spaniard the same daring intrepidity, and 
p same prudence, that rendered the Koman ce- 
jrated. The art of winning the affections of their 
|!diers, and their fertility of mind under difficul- 
-s, were the same in both generals. Eloquence 
d refinement they possessed in common ; nay, a 
niiarity may even be found in their love for the 
x, their mercurial dispositions, and their gallant 
taring. 

The character of Cortes, as a private individual, 
es amiable, and in general praiseworthy. His 
■?art was generous and noble — his manners con- 
<liating, and his attachments sincere. The impu- 
'tion of personal cruelty in his case is unfounded, 
" T hatever blood was shed in New Spain, was re- 
lired by imperious necessity, or was authorized 
V just retaliation. Some of the acts of Cortes 
par no doubt the impress of terrible severity; 
it let it be remembered, that he had to contend 
ith an enemy ferocious, warlike, and implacable, 
'he fate of Guatimozin is the most unjustifiable 
f his deeds ; but this, together with other isolated 
Measures of cruelty and even injustice, ought not 
) determine the intrinsic merit or demerit of a 
teat man, especially when the history of all con- 
(uerors, both ancient and modern, offers instances 
jjf the like nature. 

p At all events, the name of Hernan Cortes will 
; ver stand first among the distinguished names in 
I be conquest of the New World. His abilities, in- 
-;epidity, and magnanimity, as well as his concilia- 
ting manner toward the natives, and his uniform 
jindness when unprovoked, no less than the splen- 
id and extraordinary deeds which marked the re- 



344 LIFE OF HERN AN CORTES. 

duction of Mexico, confer upon its conqueror 
just distinction. Yet what was the recompe 
which Cortes received from his king and cour. 1 
for all his merit, and all his services ? The answ 
is ready, and a mournful one. Cortes was treat 
with the same ingratitude by Charles, that ' 
lumhus and the Great Captain experienced fi 
the Emperor's predecessor Ferdinand theCathol 
and the same which every great man will probabh 
receive from his employers, when his genius a 
power present a phantom of fear to their jealou 
and his great services become a tax on their £ 
titude and respect. 



/ 






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